m Substing templates: {{Cita libro}}, {{Cita noticia}}, and {{Cita web}}. See User:AnomieBOT/docs/TemplateSubster for info. |
NoonIcarus (talk | contribs) →Chávez presidency: 2002-2003 general strike Tags: use of deprecated (unreliable) source nowiki added Visual edit |
||
Line 88: | Line 88: | ||
The government decided to let the protest continue, without repressing it. After several months, the rally lost momentum and failed to achieve its objectives.<ref name=":22" /> |
The government decided to let the protest continue, without repressing it. After several months, the rally lost momentum and failed to achieve its objectives.<ref name=":22" /> |
||
=== |
=== 2002-2003 general strike === |
||
{{Main|Venezuelan general strike of 2002–2003}} |
{{Main|Venezuelan general strike of 2002–2003}} |
||
[[File:20021210-Toma-de-bomba4.jpg|thumb|Long lines of vehicles at a gas station on 10 December 2002.]] |
|||
From late 2002 into 2003, the opposition coalition [[Coordinadora Democrática (Venezuela)|Coordinadora Democrática]] (CD) organized a general strike against Chávez, demanding his dismissal.<ref name="Corrales-2011-2" /><ref name="Gott-2005">{{cite book |last1=Gott |first1=Richard |title=Hugo Chavez and the Bolivarian revolution |date=2005 |publisher=Verso |isbn=9781844675333 |location=London |pages=250–251 |language=en |chapter=The 'Economic Coup' of December 2002}}</ref><ref name="Cannon-2014">{{cite journal |last1=Cannon |first1=Barry |date=2014 |title=As Clear as MUD: Characteristics, Objectives, and Strategies of the Opposition in Bolivarian Venezuela |journal=[[Latin American Politics and Society]] |language=en |volume=56 |issue=4 |pages=49–70 |doi=10.1111/j.1548-2456.2014.00248.x|s2cid=55502016 |url=http://eprints.maynoothuniversity.ie/8973/1/BC-Clear-2014.pdf }}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Olson |first=Alexandra |date=6 January 2003 |title=Chavez insists Venezuela oil industry rebounding |url=https://www.gainesville.com/story/news/2003/01/07/chavez-insists-venezuela-oil-industry-rebounding/31623863007/ |access-date=2023-11-16 |website=[[Associated Press]] |language=en-US}}</ref> The leaders of PDVSA thought that the Chávez government would end if the general strike persisted.<ref name="Gott-2005" /> As a result of the opposition strike, shortages of goods began, blackouts occurred and transportation was halted, though Chávez maintained the presidency.<ref name="Gott-2005" />{{Unbalanced opinion|date=November 2023}} |
|||
On 2 December 2002, days after the creation of a dialogue and agreement table sponsored by the [[Organization of American States]] and the [[Carter Center]], [[Fedecámaras]] called for a strike on 2 December. Its duration was initially 24 hours, but it was extended day by day until it became an indefinite strike in the middle of the Christmas commercial season. Merchants, businessmen, employees and workers were promised that the strike would only last a few days until Chávez's resignation was achieved, but said resignation did not come.<ref>{{Cita web|url=http://archivo.eluniversal.com/economia/121202/a-10-anos-del-paro-de-2002|título=A 10 años del paro de 2002 - Economía - EL UNIVERSAL|fechaacceso=11 de julio de 2018|sitioweb=archivo.eluniversal.com|idioma=es|urlarchivo=https://web.archive.org/web/20180711210429/http://archivo.eluniversal.com/economia/121202/a-10-anos-del-paro-de-2002|fechaarchivo=11 de julio de 2018}}</ref> |
|||
At the beginning, the strike only involved the companies of the employers' association and the unions affiliated to the Workers Federation, but soon PDVSA's directors and employees at the management level decided to support it. As such, the country was practically paralyzed. Only some state-owned companies, public land and air transportation, water, electricity and telephone services, and both the public and private media continued to work, although the latter decided to suspend their regular programming and the broadcasting of advertising, replacing it with political and informative programming 24 hours a day. Political spots were broadcast supporting the continuation or not of the strike and the holding of protests and marches in different parts of the country, promoted by the [[Coordinadora Democrática (Venezuela)|Coordinadora Democrática]] opposition coalition or by the government.<ref>{{Cita noticia|apellidos=Televisión|nombre=Ley de Responsabilidad Social en Radio y|título=MEMORIA HISTÓRICA {{!}} 02/12/2002: CTV, Fedecámaras y la Coordinadora Democrática (MUD) inician sabotaje petrolero como “ensayo” de la Guerra Económica|url=http://www.leyresorte.gob.ve/2016/12/memoria-historica-02122002-ctv-fedecamaras-y-la-coordinadora-democratica-mud-inician-sabotaje-petrolero-como-ensayo-de-la-guerra-economica/|fecha=2 de diciembre de 2016|fechaacceso=11 de julio de 2018|periódico=Ley Resorte|idioma=es-ES|urlarchivo=https://web.archive.org/web/20180711190053/http://www.leyresorte.gob.ve/2016/12/memoria-historica-02122002-ctv-fedecamaras-y-la-coordinadora-democratica-mud-inician-sabotaje-petrolero-como-ensayo-de-la-guerra-economica/|fechaarchivo=11 de julio de 2018}}</ref> |
|||
On 5 December, the crew of the oil tanker Pilín León declared rebellion and anchored the vessel in the navigation channel of [[Lake Maracaibo|Lake Maracaib]]<nowiki/>o. Most of the national media broadcasted closely what was happening on a daily basis regarding the oil strike and other derived events, as well as other media such as newspapers or radio stations, although many ceased their broadcasting and others were censored.<ref>{{Cita noticia|apellidos=AS|nombre=teleSUR - ys - DF -|título=Los rostros del Golpe del 11-A de 2002|url=https://www.telesurtv.net/news/Los-rostros-del-Golpe-del-11-A-de-2002--20160407-0025.html|fechaacceso=11 de julio de 2018}}</ref> The government called in former PDVSA employees and technicians from universities and the Armed Forces in order to get the oil company working again. By the end of December, the objective was practically achieved, which was a hard blow for the promoters of the strike, and the strike weakened as the days went by. In mid-January 2003, the government managed to regain full control of PDVSA. The State decided to dismiss 15,000 employees for uncertain reasons, one of which was that they had been missing work for a long period of time.<ref>{{Cita web|url=http://www.noticierodigital.com/2012/04/hace-diez-anos-sono-el-pito-de-la-infamia/|título=Hace diez años sonó el Pito de la Infamia|fechaacceso=11 de julio de 2018|sitioweb=www.noticierodigital.com}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Olson |first=Alexandra |date=6 January 2003 |title=Chavez insists Venezuela oil industry rebounding |url=https://www.gainesville.com/story/news/2003/01/07/chavez-insists-venezuela-oil-industry-rebounding/31623863007/ |access-date=2023-11-16 |website=[[Associated Press]] |language=en-US}}</ref><ref>{{Cita web|url=https://www.eluniverso.com/2002/04/07/0001/14/0AC6DA48E7304B7FA7D8059DC4F41E74.html|título=Chávez despide a ejecutivos disidentes de Petróleos de Venezuela - ABR. 07, 2002 - Internacionales - Históricos - EL UNIVERSO|fechaacceso=11 de julio de 2018|sitioweb=www.eluniverso.com}}</ref><ref>{{Cita noticia|título=Como “lacra” se refiere Chávez a ex empleados de Pdvsa y Eddie Ramírez le responde. + Video cuando reconoció generar la crisis en el 2002|url=https://infragon.wordpress.com/2010/01/23/como-%E2%80%9Clacra%E2%80%9D-se-refiere-chavez-a-ex-empleados-de-pdvsa-y-eddie-ramirez-le-responde-video-cuando-reconocio-generar-la-crisis-en-el-2002/|fecha=23 de enero de 2010|fechaacceso=11 de julio de 2018|periódico=El Weblog de infragon|idioma=es-ES}}</ref> On 21 December 21, the tanker Pilín León was recovered and taken to a safe port through the navigation channel of Lake Maracaibo and under the [[Rafael Urdaneta bridge]].{{Citation needed|date=January 2024}} |
|||
Finally, the opposition stopped the strike. Movements to call for a recall referendum started years later.<ref>{{Cita noticia|título=Venezuela: firmas y más firmas|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/spanish/specials/2003/balance_2003/newsid_3341000/3341877.stm|fecha=24 de diciembre de 2003|fechaacceso=11 de julio de 2018|idioma=en-GB}}</ref><ref>{{Cita noticia|título=La oposición venezolana cesa paro de dos meses - Edición Impresa - ABC Color|url=http://www.abc.com.py/edicion-impresa/internacionales/la-oposicion-venezolana-cesa-paro-de-dos-meses-684111.html|fechaacceso=11 de julio de 2018|idioma=es-ES}}</ref> |
|||
=== 2004 recall attempt === |
=== 2004 recall attempt === |
||
{{Main|2004 Venezuelan recall referendum}} |
{{Main|2004 Venezuelan recall referendum}} |
||
[[Image:Anti-chavez march.jpg|thumb|[[Caracas]] rally during the [[2004 Venezuelan recall referendum|2004 recall referendum]] to recall Chávez]] |
[[Image:Anti-chavez march.jpg|thumb|[[Caracas]] rally during the [[2004 Venezuelan recall referendum|2004 recall referendum]] to recall Chávez]] |
||
The opposition turned to a new approach to remove the Chávez government, through a [[Recall election|recall referendum]].<ref name="Cannon-2014">{{cite journal |last1=Cannon |first1=Barry |title=As Clear as MUD: Characteristics, Objectives, and Strategies of the Opposition in Bolivarian Venezuela |journal=[[Latin American Politics and Society]] | |
The opposition turned to a new approach to remove the Chávez government, through a [[Recall election|recall referendum]].<ref name="Cannon-2014">{{cite journal |last1=Cannon |first1=Barry |date=2014 |title=As Clear as MUD: Characteristics, Objectives, and Strategies of the Opposition in Bolivarian Venezuela |url=http://eprints.maynoothuniversity.ie/8973/1/BC-Clear-2014.pdf |journal=[[Latin American Politics and Society]] |language=en |volume=56 |issue=4 |pages=49–70 |doi=10.1111/j.1548-2456.2014.00248.x |s2cid=55502016}}</ref> After the failure of the general strike, CD (described by Ecuador's ''[[El Universo]]'' as bringing together the "moderate wing" of the opposition<ref name="El Universo 2004"/>) began negotiating with the government and reached an agreement that a recall election would be held.<ref name="Cooper & Legler 2005">{{cite journal |last1=Cooper |first1=Andrew F. |last2=Legler |first2=Thomas |date=3 August 2005 |title=A Tale of Two Mesas: The OAS Defense of Democracy in Peru and Venezuela |journal=Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations |volume=11 |issue=4 |pages=425–444 |doi=10.1163/19426720-01104003}}</ref> Initially the [[National Electoral Council (Venezuela)|National Electoral Council (CNE)]], filled with Chávez allies, rejected a recall petition with 3 million signatures, calling it flawed and stating that it had to be redone.<ref name="p100">{{cite book |last1=Carroll |first1=Rory |url=https://archive.org/details/comandantemythre0000carr/page/100 |title=Comandante : myth and reality in Hugo Chávez's Venezuela |date=2013 |publisher=New York |isbn=9781594204579 |location=Penguin Press |pages=[https://archive.org/details/comandantemythre0000carr/page/100 100–104] |url-access=registration}}</ref> In February 2004, on the TV program ''[[Aló Presidente]]'' 180, Chávez announced that he had signed a document asking the CNE to provide copies of all the signatures of the petitioners for the referendum, in order to expose the opposition's "mega fraud".<ref>{{Citation |surname1=Rojas |given1=Alfredo |title=Chávez espera copia de planillas para mostrar fraude en cadena |journal=El Universal |year=2004 |url=http://www.eluniversal.com/2004/02/02/pol_art_02106B.shtml}}</ref> The [[Tascón List]], containing personal data and signatures of those who supported the recall, was subsequently disseminated, with reports of some individuals who were on the list being denied government benefits and jobs.<ref name="p1002">{{cite book |last1=Carroll |first1=Rory |url=https://archive.org/details/comandantemythre0000carr/page/100 |title=Comandante : myth and reality in Hugo Chávez's Venezuela |date=2013 |publisher=New York |isbn=9781594204579 |location=Penguin Press |pages=[https://archive.org/details/comandantemythre0000carr/page/100 100–104] |url-access=registration}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |last=Malinarich |first=Nathalie |date=27 November 2006 |title=Venezuela: A nation divided |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/6179612.stm |accessdate=10 January 2010 |publisher=[[BBC News]]}}</ref> |
||
In February-March 2004, there was a wave of clashes between security forces and opposition activists, in which at least 13 people were killed and hundreds arrested. These were associated with [[Bloque Democrático (Venezuela)|Bloque Democrático]], described by ''El Universo'' as "the radical wing of the opposition", which "publicly promote[d] generalized civil and military disobedience..., culminating in the establishment of a 'civil-military junta'." One of its leaders, [[anti-Castro]] Cuban-Venezuelan [[Roberto Alonso]], claimed authorship of a protest tactic known as the [[guarimba]], involving mass blockades in residential areas.<ref name="El Universo 2004">{{Cite web |date=2004-05-17 |title=Dirigente opositor radical denuncia allanamiento de su residencia en Venezuela |url=https://www.eluniverso.com/2004/05/17/0001/14/3F16404CA9D74E9C8FA2184E0A3D5D7F.html |access-date=2023-11-16 |website=[[El Universo]] |language=es}}</ref><ref name="Zeitlin-2007">{{Cite news |last=Zeitlin |first=Janine |date=11 October 2007 |title=War on Hugo Chávez |work=[[Miami New Times]] |url=http://www.miaminewtimes.com/2007-10-11/news/war-on-hugo-ch-aacute-vez/full |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080720043302/http://www.miaminewtimes.com/2007-10-11/news/war-on-hugo-ch-aacute-vez/full |archive-date=20 July 2008}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |date=9 May 2004 |title=Capturan "paramilitares" en Venezuela |publisher=BBC News |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/spanish/latin_america/newsid_3698000/3698989.stm |accessdate=22 April 2010}}</ref>{{Unbalanced opinion|date=November 2023}} After the CNE declared the recall signature collection fraudulent, there were widespread protests on 5 March 2004; thousands of protesters blocked streets. Alonso called for "total anarchy" and hoped this would be followed by military ouster remove Chávez two days later.<ref name="Zeitlin-2007" /> The demonstrations subsided when the opposition and government agreed on how to proceed with the recall referendum.<ref name="Zeitlin-2007" /> In May 2004, in the [[Daktari Ranch affair]], a ranch belonging to Alonso was raided by government forces, and the government said that hundreds of "Colombian paramilitaries" were arrested for what they alleged had been plot to overthrow the government.<ref name="Dominguez-2011">{{cite book |last1=Dominguez |first1=Francisco |title=Right-Wing Politics in the New Latin America: Reaction and Revolt |date=2011 |publisher=[[Zed Books]] |isbn=9781848138148 |language=en |chapter=Chapter 7 - Venezuela’s opposition: desperately seeking to overthrow Chávez}}</ref><ref name="Zeitlin-2007" /><ref name="El Universo 2004"/> |
In February-March 2004, there was a wave of clashes between security forces and opposition activists, in which at least 13 people were killed and hundreds arrested. These were associated with [[Bloque Democrático (Venezuela)|Bloque Democrático]], described by ''El Universo'' as "the radical wing of the opposition", which "publicly promote[d] generalized civil and military disobedience..., culminating in the establishment of a 'civil-military junta'." One of its leaders, [[anti-Castro]] Cuban-Venezuelan [[Roberto Alonso]], claimed authorship of a protest tactic known as the [[guarimba]], involving mass blockades in residential areas.<ref name="El Universo 2004">{{Cite web |date=2004-05-17 |title=Dirigente opositor radical denuncia allanamiento de su residencia en Venezuela |url=https://www.eluniverso.com/2004/05/17/0001/14/3F16404CA9D74E9C8FA2184E0A3D5D7F.html |access-date=2023-11-16 |website=[[El Universo]] |language=es}}</ref><ref name="Zeitlin-2007">{{Cite news |last=Zeitlin |first=Janine |date=11 October 2007 |title=War on Hugo Chávez |work=[[Miami New Times]] |url=http://www.miaminewtimes.com/2007-10-11/news/war-on-hugo-ch-aacute-vez/full |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080720043302/http://www.miaminewtimes.com/2007-10-11/news/war-on-hugo-ch-aacute-vez/full |archive-date=20 July 2008}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |date=9 May 2004 |title=Capturan "paramilitares" en Venezuela |publisher=BBC News |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/spanish/latin_america/newsid_3698000/3698989.stm |accessdate=22 April 2010}}</ref>{{Unbalanced opinion|date=November 2023}} After the CNE declared the recall signature collection fraudulent, there were widespread protests on 5 March 2004; thousands of protesters blocked streets. Alonso called for "total anarchy" and hoped this would be followed by military ouster remove Chávez two days later.<ref name="Zeitlin-2007" /> The demonstrations subsided when the opposition and government agreed on how to proceed with the recall referendum.<ref name="Zeitlin-2007" /> In May 2004, in the [[Daktari Ranch affair]], a ranch belonging to Alonso was raided by government forces, and the government said that hundreds of "Colombian paramilitaries" were arrested for what they alleged had been plot to overthrow the government.<ref name="Dominguez-2011">{{cite book |last1=Dominguez |first1=Francisco |title=Right-Wing Politics in the New Latin America: Reaction and Revolt |date=2011 |publisher=[[Zed Books]] |isbn=9781848138148 |language=en |chapter=Chapter 7 - Venezuela’s opposition: desperately seeking to overthrow Chávez}}</ref><ref name="Zeitlin-2007" /><ref name="El Universo 2004"/> |
Revision as of 12:22, 25 January 2024
The Venezuelan opposition, also known as opposition to Chavismo or anti-Chavismo, is a political umbrella term to all those political, social and religious factors that have opposed the Chavismo governments of the so-called Bolivarian Revolution of former President Hugo Chávez and current President Nicolás Maduro that have governed Venezuela since 2 February 1999.
Background
After the February 1992 coup attempt, The first reaction of the traditional political parties was channeled in the Venezuelan Congress, through a document of condemnation, approved unanimously and without discussion, of the actions of Chávez and his companions, as well as an endorsement to democracy as a form of government.[3] Congressman David Morales Bello specifically exlaimed "Death to the coup plotters!".[4]
Chávez became a presidential candidate in April 1997, after obtaining the approval of his political movement, the MBR-200, to participate in the 1998 elections, founding the Fifth Republic Movement party.[5] At the moment, the frontrunner was Irene Sáez, Miss Universe 1981 and Mayoress of the Chacao Municipality, but she lost popularity after receiving the backing from COPEI.[6][7]
Chávez was declared the winner of the 1998 presidential elections and the opposition electoral front, the Polo Democrático, dissolved afterwards. However, despite losing the presidential elections, the non-Chavista political forces held a majority in Congress and represented an obstacle for Chávez's Constituent Assembly, as he promised to seek their support to push it forward.[8][9]
Chávez presidency
1999 Constituent Assembly
Although Chávez promised to seek the support of the opposition-dominated Congress before starting the Constituent process, on his first day as President, Chávez decreed a call for a referendum to determine whether a new Constitution should be drafted using a method proposed by him.[9] According to statements made at the time by the head of the Movement for Socialism parliamentary group, Chavismo's main ally in Congress, apparently even they had not been informed of this step beforehand.[10] Once again, the opposition was caught divided:[11] the COPEI party, Justice First and former candidate Irene Sáez, who had just formed an alliance with the Chavismo in the Nueva Esparta state, supported the decree;[10][12] Henrique Salas Römer's Project Venezuela and Democratic Action (AD) criticized the manner in which Chávez was leading the process, arguing that it excluded the Congress.[10] La Causa R and Convergencia were cautious as they did not know the details of the country's project proposed by the President.[10] Only the Movimiento Apertura of former President Carlos Andrés Pérez was completely opposed to the measure.[10]
The process promoted by Chávez was not set forth in the 1961 Venezuelan Constitution, but two favorable decisions of the Supreme Court of Justice in January 1999 paved the way for this proposal. The Supreme Court even ratified Chávez's opinion that since the Constituent Power was an "original power", it should not be subject to the powers established in the current Magna Carta.[13] The National Electoral Council (CNE) gave its approval after reviewing the bases proposed by the President, and the referendum was set for 25 April. Henry Ramos Allup, from Democratic Action, criticized then the behavior of the bodies, saying that they presented an "obsequious attitude" towards the President.[10]
The April 1999 Venezuelan constitutional referendum was held under a climate of electoral apathy. The abstention was 62.4%, and the result was overwhelmingly in favor of the proponents of the Constituent, who obtained a vote of 87.8%.[13] The bases proposed by Chávez and revised by the CNE were also approved, although with a slightly lower support. A proportional representation system in the selection of the members of the National Constituent Assembly was then discarded, and in its place a personalized uninominal direct representation system was established, which divided the country into two great national circuits and one electoral circuit for each state, a system in disuse since the dictatorship of Juan Vicente Gómez.[14]
The result of the election of constituents was the over-representation of Chavismo in the Constituent Assembly and a crushing defeat for the opposition, which had once again gone to the polls divided. With 65% of the votes, Chavismo obtained more than 95% of the constituents.[15] Although the great majority of the candidates were civil society members, outside the political parties, the lack of unity atomized their efforts.[16] As such, 33% of the forces that voted for candidates unrelated to the Chavismo, only managed to bring seven constituents, one of them being Antonia Muñoz, a dissident Chavista who soon rejoined the ruling party.[16] Political parties and civil associations were marginalized from the constituent process, and the role of opposition then fell on the state institutions, where the Congress and the Supreme Court stand out. After the elections, Democratic Action and Copei experienced internal crises: the former announced new base elections to renew the party, and the directive of the latter resigned immediately.[17]
Although the Chavismo obtained near absolute control of the Constituent Assembly, this did not mean that Chávez did not find opposition within his own supporters to several of his proposals for the new Constitution.[18] There were several important changes pushed by Chávez which had initially been discarded by the Constituent Assembly, and which were only admitted under direct pressure from the President. Among the main ones were the inclusion of the term "Bolivarian" in the official name of Venezuela, the suppression of the voting "second round" or ballot, and the restriction of the taxing powers of the states.[18]
On 25 August, the conflict between the Constituent Assembly and the Congress openly broke out. Taking advantage of a parliamentary recess, the pro-government constituent majority occupied the Federal Legislative Palace, suspended the sessions of the Congress, reduced its commissions to a minimum and created a delegated commission made up of 23 congressmen who could legislate, but always subject to the veto of the Constituent Assembly in important matters.[18][19] Congressmen from Democratic Action, Copei and Project Venezuela protested the measure, which they called a coup d'état, and called for an emergency session in the Federal Palace. Aristóbulo Istúriz, president of the Constituent Assembly warned them that "the people would shut them down" if they tried to do so.[20] On 27 August, opposition congressmen tried to enter the Congress but were repelled by Chavista sympathizers, who injured thirty of the first ones when they tried to jump over the fence surrounding the building.[21] The Catholic Church mediated between the Constituent Assembly and the Congress, but although they managed to reach an agreement, the Congress continued to be reduced to its new role of delegated commission, sharing the building with the Constituent.[21] At the time, public opinion interpreted the congressional protests as vain attempts by the discredited traditional political class to stop the changes.[18] At the same time that the Constituent Assembly minimized the Congress, it also created an "emergency commission" to reorganize the Judicial Power. Due to a sentence issued by the Supreme Court at the beginning of the year, the Constituent Assembly could do so as the "original power". The decision was challenged, but when Cecilia Sosa, the president of the high court, resigned after realizing that her colleagues were going to ratify the January decision, as she considered that the rule of law was being violated with the decision:[22]
I believe that by complying with the decree of the National Constituent Assembly that establishes the judicial emergency, the Supreme Court dissolves itself (...) Simply put, the Supreme Court of Justice of Venezuela committed suicide to avoid being assassinated. The result is the same, it is dead.
— Cecilia Sosa, president of the Supreme Court of Venezuela
Although in theory the Constituent Assembly also had the power to intervene the executive branch, the presidential powers, governors and mayors were left untouched, although the Fatherland For All party, then part of the ruling party, considered he idea of removing three opposition governors using the constituent power. For his part, Chávez did not oppose to be ratified by the body, and was sworn in again before the Constituent.[23]
After over three months of work, the Constituent presented its draft constitution on 19 November, which was only opposed by four constituents: Claudio Fermín, Alberto Franceschi, Jorge Olavarría and Virgilio Ávila Vivas, who argued that power was being centralized and that a military estate was going to be formed.[24][25] A referendum was then called for 15 December in order to approve or reject the text. Democratic Action, Copei, Justice First, Project Venezuela and Fedecamaras campaigned against the approval of the Constitution. Although these forces agreed that a new Magna Carta was necessary in general, they were in complete disagreement with the result, where their representation had been symbolic.[26][27][28][29]
The December 1999 constitutional referendum took place under the same climate of apathy as the one held in April, although the turnout rose to 44.37%. The new votes were endorsed to the opposition to the new constitution, as the Chavismo suffered marginal losses.[30][31] Although the state of fragmentation of the partisan opposition, which seemed not to have overcome the 1998 defeat, did not allow them to assume an enthusiastic campaign for the "No", the opposition experienced an increase of 142% with respect to the last referendum.[30][31][32] However, the majority of Venezuelans continued to show disinterest in the struggle between pro-government and opposition, even when the constitution was at stake.[32]
2000 mega-elections
From then until 2003, the opposition parties were eclipsed in their struggle against the government, and ceded political protagonism to various sectors of civil society. Being directly affected by the government's actions, the business community, the unions, the media and even the Catholic clergy took an attitude opposed to them.
Chavez's next electoral challenge was the "2000 mega-elections", these were aimed at electing those who would occupy all popularly elected positions, which numbered more than six thousand.[33] Venezuela was going through economic problems: athough the price of oil had tripled since Chávez's arrival, the economy had sunk 7%, unemployment had increased, and foreign investors had moved away from the country.[34] However, in spite of these problems and with the traditional political parties weakened, Chavez's reelection was imminent.[33]
Only two politicians, Antonio Ledezma and Claudio Fermín, both former members of Democratic Action and former mayors of the Libertador Municipality of Caracas, made public their intentions to run against the President, both independently. Unexpectedly, in mid-February 2000, Chávez's other partners: Francisco Arias Cárdenas, Jesús Urdaneta and Joel Acosta Chirinos; made a public statement giving Chávez an ultimatum to imprison some members of his government, since they assured that they had irrefutable evidence proving their corruption, including the President of the legislative power, Luis Miquilena, and foreign affairs minister José Vicente Rangel.[34][35] Chávez's responded by criticizing his former colleagues, whom he reproached for "not having washed the rags at home".[35]
On 15 March Arias Cárdenas, supported by Urdaneta and Acosta Chirinos, registered his candidacy for the presidential election. Upon learning of this, Ledezma withdrew his, but Fermin did not.[33] Miquilena's response was to qualify as "trash" those who abandoned Chávez to support Arias Cárdenas.[36] The new opposition leader received support from La Causa R and a handful of small leftist parties, although not from Democratic Action and Copei. Even though some analysts considered Arias Cardenas more pragmatic than Chávez, others such as Eleazar Díaz Rangel declared that they were basically the same.[37]
Originally scheduled for 28 May, the directors of the National Electoral Council, appointed by the Chavista majority of the Constituent Assembly, proved to be inefficient, and only two days before the elections were to be held, the Supreme Court of Justice suspended them since the Electoral Council was not ready yet.[38] Arias Cárdenas called his supporters to gather in front of the CNE to protest, but they were repelled by a group of Chavistas.[citation needed]
Decree 1011
In October 2000, Hugo Chávez promoted the Presidential Decree 1011 (Spanish: Decreto 1011), whose text partially modified the Regulations for the Exercise of the Teaching Profession by creating a new administrative figure, that of itinerant supervisors, which partially modified the Regulations for the Exercise of the Teaching Profession and created the figure of National Itinerant Supervisors in educational institutions, who could be appointed directly by the Minister of Education, Culture and Sports. Their authorities and functions included reporting, accountability directly to the Minister of Education and even the appointment and removal of their directors. The decree also allowed Cuban teachers to participate in literacy plans in Venezuela.[39][40][41]
The decree was very controversial and generated the first opposition movement to the government of Hugo Chávez, which mobilized tens of thousands of people from civil society during the rest of the year 2000 to protest against the decree under the slogan "don't mess with my children". Civil groups and private sectors filed nullity actions before the Supreme Court of Justice against the creation of official supervisors; such legal actions were dismissed by the Supreme Court. On 1 April 2001, in the program Aló Presidente, he asked how the groups would react to the Education Law "if they schrill for a decree" which establishes the supervision of schools. He declared that "he who does not owe it does not fear it" and therefore questioned the opposition of those "very small sectors" that participate in mobilizations such as the one carried out on 31 March in Caracas.[42] Despite of the insistence with the implementation of the decree, it could not be put into practice due to the opposition and the criticism of the civil society.[43][44]
The 49 Laws
Between 2001 and 2003, multiple chavistas started opposing Chávez as well.[45] On 28 July 2001, Pedro Carmona defeats Alberto Cudemus, a businessman close to Chavism, in the elections for President of Fedecámaras.[46] On August 4, Carmona coincides with Chavez at the Venezuelan Military Academy, where the anniversary of the National Guard was being celebrated. According to Carmona, Chávez told he no longer wanted conflicts with Fedecámaras, and they plan a meeting on 22 August at the Miraflores Presidential Palace.[47] At the meeting, Carmona proposes to Chávez a plan to lower unemployment, at that time at 17%, improving conditions in order to increase private investment up to 20% of the GDP in five years, while the latter responds with a plan to strengthen the public sector.[48] A dialogue table was then created between Fedecámaras and the government, the latter represented by Jorge Giordani, Minister of Planning. The meetings did not bring results, despite the fact that they took place once a week and that Chávez was present in one of them. The government continued to elaborate 49 controversial laws without sharing their content with Fedecámaras or its agrarian equivalent, Fedenaga, which its critics argued violated Articles 206 and 211 of the Constitution.[49][50]
On 13 November, Chavez decrees the 49 laws under the enabling law granted to him by the National Assembly in November 2000, a legal instrument which allowed him to legislate without the approval of the legislative power. Although originally two thirds of the Assembly were controlled by Chavismo, the situation had changed due to the fact that some deputies had become dissident and it was unlikely that Chávez would be able to obtain another enabling law, reason for which Chávez approved the laws the day before his special power expired. The laws included the Organic Hydrocarbons Law, the Fishing Law, the Special Law of Cooperative Associations and the General Ports Law, among others, but the Land and Agrarian Development Law is the most controversial.[51][52] Under the last law, the Venezuelan government gained the power to take private lands if they exceeded the size limit imposed by law and were classified as latifundiums, or if it considered that they were being exploited below their potential. Additionally, the State now had to approve the owner's use of the land, and all owners were obliged to prove the ownership of their lands before 18 December, under the risk of losing them if they did not do so. According to The Miami Herald, at that time 95% of Venezuelan landowners did not have firm titles at the moment.[53][54]
Pedro Carmona suspends the dialogue with the national government and calls for an extraordinary assembly on 28 November. On that date he then proposes that a twelve-hour national strike be held on 10 December, and obtains the majority support of the business sector, although also the rejection of Miguel Pérez Abad, president of Fedeindustria.[55] On May 4, the Venezuelan Workers Confederation (CTV in Spanish), the main labor union of the country, joined Fedecámaras. Its general secretary, Carlos Ortega, had defeated the chavista Aristóbulo Istúriz in the CTV elections.[56] The opposition political parties became divided in their opinions on how to overcome the political crisis: Democratic Action insisted in the Assembly on appointing a medical board to prove the President's mental incapacity; Francisco Arias Cárdenas and his deputies called for a consultative referendum, the Movement for Socialism (MAS) asked for calling another Constituent Assembly; Justice First and the Catholic Church asked the government for a change of course. The strike was observed by 90% of the country, becoming Pedro Carmona and Carlos Ortega the opposition leaders.[57]
In February and March 2002, President Chavez announced the dismissal of PDVSA's President, Guaicaipuro Lameda and seven senior executives of PDVSA. Chavez accused them of committing serious misconduct and sabotaging the state oil company, and also warned "I have no problem in scraping (firing) all of them, all of them, if all of them have to be scraped". The dismissed executives were Eddie Ramírez, managing director of the subsidiary Palmaven; Juan Fernández, manager of financial planning and control; Horacio Medina, manager of negotiation strategy; Gonzalo Feijoo, senior advisor of refining strategy; Edgar Quijano and Alfredo Gómez, human resources labor advisors, and Carmen Elisa Hernández, project analyst of PDVSA Gas.[58][59]
April 2002 protests and coup attempt
On 9 April 2002, the organizations of Fedecámaras, the Venezuelan Workers Confederation and other civil, political and religious associations called for an indefinite general strike. That same day, Chávez meets with generals Efraín Vásquez Velazco and Manuel Rosendo, as well as with PDVSA's President Gastón Parra, Attorney General Isaías Rodríguez and deputies Nicolás Maduro, Ismael García and Cilia Flores. Also present were several Chavista Ministers, governors and mayors, general Francisco Usón, the mayor of West Caracas Freddy Bernal, and the former guerrilla Guillermo García Ponce. Among other things, there was talk of applying the military contingency Plan Ávila, of paying a bonus of one and a half million bolivars to the oil workers who did not join the strike, and even of simulating a traffic congestion on the Francisco Fajardo Highway with chavista sympathizers to make it appear that the strike has not been effective.[citation needed] On 11 April, the third day of the strike, a rally was called for at PDVSA's headquarters in Chuao, Caracas, led by Pedro Carmona, Carlos Ortega and Guaicaipuro Lameda, the rally finally turned into a march,[60] with numbers estimated to be up to one million people,[61][62] heading to the Miraflores Palace to demand Hugo Chávez to resign from the presidency.[60] While the march was taking place, President Chavez ordered the military to activate Plan Ávila.[63] When the march reached the Llaguno Overpass. Opposition groups and Chavez supporters began to confront each other and were mostly controlled by the Metropolitan Police, between 2:30 p.m. and 3:45 p.m. Several people were shot and killed, both opposition and pro-government demonstrators.[64][65][66]
In the early morning of 12 April, the Military High Command announced through the Minister of Defense, Lucas Rincón Romero, that Chávez had been asked to resign as President of Venezuela, with Rincón declaring that he accepted.[67][68][69] Chávez was transferred to Fuerte Tiuna where he was imprisoned for a few hours, there he wrote a letter saying that he had not resigned, after which he was taken by helicopter to the prison in the Orchila Island.[70] By that date, Chavez' sympathizers had gone out to protest in front of the Miraflores Palace and in the Paratroopers Brigade in Maracay.[71][72]
The same day, Pedro Carmona swore himself in as president of Venezuela, establishing a transitional government that would call for elections in December 2002. His first official act was the dissolution of the National Assembly, the Supreme Tribunal of Justice, the National Electoral Council, the removal of the Attorney General, the Comptroller, and the Ombudsman, all governors, mayors and councilmen, and all diplomatic officials. The act also repealed all of the 49 enabling laws and changed the Constitution, by renaming the country as the Republic of Venezuela, taking away the Bolivarian qualifier.[73] Part of the agenda left by Carmona Estanga in the Miraflores office included a new ministerial cabinet and the controversial Carmona Decree.[74][75] General Raúl Isaías Baduel opposed Carmona's government and began to actively seek a way to restore Chávez to power.[71]
On 13 April and 14, troops loyal to Chavez succeeded in taking over the Miraflores Palace, and several of his ministers headed a temporary government until Chávez was released. Diosdado Cabello took over the presidency for less than 24 hours, and in the early morning of April 14, Chávez was released from Orchila Island and was reinstated as President of Venezuela.[76]
Plaza Altamira Military
On 22 October 2002, a group of fourteen military officers, both active and retired (including some who had been involved in the April coup), spoke out against the government in a pronunciamiento in the Altamira Square, eastern Caracas, declaring the square a "liberated zone" and inviting their fellow soldiers to join them with the aim of achieving Chávez's resignation.[77][78] The group was widely supported by civil society,[79] and during the course of the protest at least 102 more military personnel joined the group, as well as thousands of opposition demonstrators.[80] On 6 December, waiter João de Gouveia, fired into the crowd gathered in the square, killing three people and wounding 25 others. João was subdued and handed over to the authorities moments later.[81] On 20 February 2003, four other people participating in the rally, including three military personnel, were found dead , after apparently being abducted days earlier in the square.[82]
The government decided to let the protest continue, without repressing it. After several months, the rally lost momentum and failed to achieve its objectives.[79]
2002-2003 general strike
On 2 December 2002, days after the creation of a dialogue and agreement table sponsored by the Organization of American States and the Carter Center, Fedecámaras called for a strike on 2 December. Its duration was initially 24 hours, but it was extended day by day until it became an indefinite strike in the middle of the Christmas commercial season. Merchants, businessmen, employees and workers were promised that the strike would only last a few days until Chávez's resignation was achieved, but said resignation did not come.[83]
At the beginning, the strike only involved the companies of the employers' association and the unions affiliated to the Workers Federation, but soon PDVSA's directors and employees at the management level decided to support it. As such, the country was practically paralyzed. Only some state-owned companies, public land and air transportation, water, electricity and telephone services, and both the public and private media continued to work, although the latter decided to suspend their regular programming and the broadcasting of advertising, replacing it with political and informative programming 24 hours a day. Political spots were broadcast supporting the continuation or not of the strike and the holding of protests and marches in different parts of the country, promoted by the Coordinadora Democrática opposition coalition or by the government.[84]
On 5 December, the crew of the oil tanker Pilín León declared rebellion and anchored the vessel in the navigation channel of Lake Maracaibo. Most of the national media broadcasted closely what was happening on a daily basis regarding the oil strike and other derived events, as well as other media such as newspapers or radio stations, although many ceased their broadcasting and others were censored.[85] The government called in former PDVSA employees and technicians from universities and the Armed Forces in order to get the oil company working again. By the end of December, the objective was practically achieved, which was a hard blow for the promoters of the strike, and the strike weakened as the days went by. In mid-January 2003, the government managed to regain full control of PDVSA. The State decided to dismiss 15,000 employees for uncertain reasons, one of which was that they had been missing work for a long period of time.[86][87][88][89] On 21 December 21, the tanker Pilín León was recovered and taken to a safe port through the navigation channel of Lake Maracaibo and under the Rafael Urdaneta bridge.[citation needed]
Finally, the opposition stopped the strike. Movements to call for a recall referendum started years later.[90][91]
2004 recall attempt
The opposition turned to a new approach to remove the Chávez government, through a recall referendum.[92] After the failure of the general strike, CD (described by Ecuador's El Universo as bringing together the "moderate wing" of the opposition[93]) began negotiating with the government and reached an agreement that a recall election would be held.[94] Initially the National Electoral Council (CNE), filled with Chávez allies, rejected a recall petition with 3 million signatures, calling it flawed and stating that it had to be redone.[95] In February 2004, on the TV program Aló Presidente 180, Chávez announced that he had signed a document asking the CNE to provide copies of all the signatures of the petitioners for the referendum, in order to expose the opposition's "mega fraud".[96] The Tascón List, containing personal data and signatures of those who supported the recall, was subsequently disseminated, with reports of some individuals who were on the list being denied government benefits and jobs.[97][98]
In February-March 2004, there was a wave of clashes between security forces and opposition activists, in which at least 13 people were killed and hundreds arrested. These were associated with Bloque Democrático, described by El Universo as "the radical wing of the opposition", which "publicly promote[d] generalized civil and military disobedience..., culminating in the establishment of a 'civil-military junta'." One of its leaders, anti-Castro Cuban-Venezuelan Roberto Alonso, claimed authorship of a protest tactic known as the guarimba, involving mass blockades in residential areas.[93][99][100][unbalanced opinion?] After the CNE declared the recall signature collection fraudulent, there were widespread protests on 5 March 2004; thousands of protesters blocked streets. Alonso called for "total anarchy" and hoped this would be followed by military ouster remove Chávez two days later.[99] The demonstrations subsided when the opposition and government agreed on how to proceed with the recall referendum.[99] In May 2004, in the Daktari Ranch affair, a ranch belonging to Alonso was raided by government forces, and the government said that hundreds of "Colombian paramilitaries" were arrested for what they alleged had been plot to overthrow the government.[101][99][93]
2006 presidential elections
Manuel Rosales, of the centre-left A New Era party, was chosen as a presidential against Chávez due to his opinion polling support. Rosales received 36.91% of the vote in the 2006 presidential election.[102]
2007 protests and 2009 referendum
Chávez proceeded to shut down RCTV, propose the 2007 constitutional referendum to turn Venezuela into a socialist nation, and propose the 2009 constitutional referendum, which proposed indefinite re-election of the officeholders.[102][92] Protests against RCTV's shutdown and against referendum protests took place in 2007, and in 2008 the opposition created the Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD) coalition.[92] Opposition leaders said that the formation of MUD was in response to their perception of increased repression from the Chávez government.[102] The opposition coalition created a set of rules regarding decisions, including decisions being made by a majority of 3/5ths of members or 70% of the popular vote during election processes, the process to determine a joint candidate either through majority or a primary election and a unified policy framework.[102] Such coordination resulted with a more unified long-term strategy as opposed to short-term individualized interests.[102]
2012 and 2013 presidential elections
Henrique Capriles, founder of Justice First, was chosen as the opposition presidential candidate for the 2012 presidential election and begun appealing to disillusioned chavista voters.[103][104]
Maduro presidency
Following the death of Hugo Chávez, Capriles was also a cadidate for the 2013 presidential election, where Nicolás Maduro was declared winner by a narrow margin.[104][92] The opposition denounced irregularities during the process and demanded for a vote recount, request that was rejected by the National Electoral Council.[105] Maduro did not have the charisma of his predecessor and as a result, began to lose support among his base.[106]
Birthplace allegations
Some opposition groups questioned that Maduro was born in Venezuela, saying that this would disqualify him from holding the presidential office in Venezuela.[107][108][109][110] By 2014, official declarations by the Venezuelan government officials shared four different birthplaces of Maduro.[111] Opposition followers argued that Maduro cited Article 227 of the Venezuelan constitution, which states that "To be chosen as president of the Republic it is required to be Venezuelan by birth, not having another nationality."[112] The pro-government Supreme Tribunal of Justice ruled in October 2016 that Maduro was born in Venezuela[113][114] The ruling did not reproduce Maduro's birth certificate but it quoted the Colombian Vice minister of foreign affairs, Patti Londoño Jaramillo, who stated that "no related information was found, nor civil registry of birth, nor citizenship card that allows to infer that president Nicolás Maduro Moros is a Colombian national".[115] In January 2018, the opposition-appointed Supreme Tribunal of Justice of Venezuela in exile decreed the 2013 presidential elections null after reportedly obtaining evidence that Nicolás Maduro was ineligible to be elected and to hold the office of the presidency, citing that he was born in Colombia.[116]
La Salida protests
In February 2014, amid an economic decline and insecurity problems, Popular Will founder Leopoldo López led the La Salida movement.[103][117][118] The government issued an arrest warrant against López, who turned himself in on 18 February and was imprisoned.[119][120]
2015 legislative elections
The opposition won a majority in the National Assembly in the 2015 parliamentary election.[104] The lame duck chavista National Assembly would pack the Supreme Tribunal of Justice prior to its departure.[121][122] Maduro would bypass the opposition-led National Assembly by creating the 2017 Constituent National Assembly.[106]
Presidential crisis
Maduro was declared winner again during the 2018 presidential election. The European Union,[123][124] the Organization of American States, the Lima Group and nations including Australia and the United States rejected the electoral process, as some prominent opposition parties were prohibited from participating.[125][126] The opposition has rejected its results and declared fraud was committed. In December 2018, Popular Will politician Juan Guaidó was named president of the National Assembly and began to form a transitional government.[127][128]
Guaidó was declared interim president of Venezuela on 23 January 2019, beginning a presidential crisis.[129] The United States, European allies and Latin American countries recognized Guiadó as president as well.[129] Guaidó laid down three objectives: "Cessation of usurpation, transitional government, and free elections".[130][131][132][133][134] Establishing a government in Venezuela required three crucial elements: "the people, the international community, and the armed forces."[135]
Guaidó let an attempt uprising against Maduro with a group of military defectors on 30 April 2019,[136][137] during which Leopoldo López fled house arrest.[138] The uprising ultimately failed.[139]
In December 2022, three of the four main opposition political parties (Justice First, Democratic Action and A New Era) backed and approved a reform to dissolve the interim government and create a commission of five members to manage foreign assets, as deputies sought a united strategy ahead of the next Venezuelan presidential election scheduled for 2024,[140][141] stating that the interim government had failed to achieve the goals it had set.[142]
2024 presidential election
In the 2023 Unitary Platform presidential primaries, the Venezuelan opposition selected María Corina Machado as their candidate for the 2024 presidential elections.[143] She was disqualified from holding office in Venezuela in June 2023.[144][145][146]
Opposition parties and organizations
Leadership
Leadership of the Venezuelan opposition was an important aspect of the movement since their parties did not focus on policy and instead on the personality of who led.[104] In 2002, Pedro Carmona and Carlos Ortega briefly provided leadership for the opposition, and Henrique Capriles served as its leader during his candidacies in the 2012 and 2013 presidential elections. Following the opposition winning the majority in the 2015 Venezuelan parliamentary election, the National Assembly of Venezuela assumed leadership of the opposition. Juan Guaidó was the leader of the opposition during the presidential crisis, though he lost support as the opposition failed to achieve its objectives under his mandate.[147] Into the 2024 presidential elections, María Corina Machado was chosen as leader of the opposition.[143]
Parties
Democratic Unity Roundtable
Party name | Acronym | Leader | Main ideology | International Associations | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Justice First
Primero Justicia |
PJ | Henrique Capriles Radonski | Humanism | None | |
A New Era
Un Nuevo Tiempo |
UNT | Manuel Rosales | Social democracy | Socialist International | |
Popular Will
Voluntad Popular |
VP | Leopoldo López | Progressivism
Social democracy |
Socialist International | |
Radical Cause
La Causa Radical |
LCR | Andrés Velásquez | Laboriousm | None | |
Progressive Movement of Venezuela
Movimiento Progresista de Venezuela |
MPV | Simón Calzadilla | Progressivism | None | |
Project Venezuela
Proyecto Venezuela |
PRVZL | Henrique Salas Feo | Liberal conservatism | IDU, UPLA | |
Clear Accounts
Cuentas Claras |
CC | Vicencio Scarano | Progressivism | None | |
Progressive Advance
Avanzada Progresista |
AP | Henri Falcón | Democratic socialism[citation needed] | None | |
Fearless People's Alliance
Alianza Bravo Pueblo |
ABP | Antonio Ledezma | Social democracy | None | |
Emergent People
Gente Emergente |
GE | Julio César Reyes | Social democracy | None | |
National Convergence
Convergencia Nacional |
CN | Juan José Caldera | Christian democracy | ODCA (observer) | |
Movement for a Responsible, Sustainable and Entrepreneurial Venezuela
Movimiento por una Venezuela Responsable, Sostenible y Emprendedora |
MOVERSE | Alexis Romero | Green politics | None | |
Ecological Movement of Venezuela
Movimiento Ecológico de Venezuela |
MOVEV | Manuel Díaz | Green politics | Global Greens |
Student groups
Symbols
When the Chávez government introduced the 2006 flag of Venezuela, the opposition refused to recognize the new symbol, saying that they would continue using the 1954 flag, also known as the seven-star flag.[1][148] The eight-star design altered Venezuela's 200-year-old flag to feature a left-facing horse rather than right, and to add a star to represent the disputed Guayana territory.[148] The old flag has been used as a sign of opposition and has been used as a dividing symbol by the government and opposition, with some in the opposition viewing the eight-star flag as a representation of oppression.[1][149] Miss Universe 2009 winner Stefanía Fernández used the seven-star flag during while walking down the runway at the Miss Universe 2010 competition.[149] Venezuelan opposition protesters and some individuals belonging to the Venezuelan diaspora continue to use the seven-star flag.[1]
Students that participated in the 2007 protests adopted the white hands as a symbol of nonviolence.[150][151][152]
Henrique Capriles popularized the use of the tricolor hat among the Venezuelan opposition during his presidential campaigns.[153]
See also
- Belarusian opposition
- Chinese democracy movement
- Generation of 1928
- Hong Kong democracy movement
- Interventions of political parties in Venezuela
- Junta Patriótica
- Kazakh opposition
- Opposition to Vladimir Putin in Russia
- United National Movement (Georgia)
References
- ^ a b c d Andrade, Gabriel (1 December 2020). "Banal Nationalism Disputes in Venezuela: 1999–2019". Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics. 14 (2). De Gruyter: 182–184. doi:10.2478/jnmlp-2020-0007. S2CID 229450851.
- ^ "La gorra de la polémica" (in Spanish). El Mundo. 3 October 2012. Retrieved 23 November 2023.
- ^ Caballero 1998, p. 182.
- ^ El País (España), ed. (5 February 1992). "Críticas a Uslar Pietri por 'anunciar' la intentona". El País. Santa Cruz de Tenerife. Retrieved 16 August 2011.
- ^ Gómez Calcaño, Luis; Arenas, Nelly (enero-junio de 2001). "¿Modernización autoritaria o actualización del populismo? La transición política en Venezuela". Cuestiones políticas. 26 (131). Facultad de Ciencias Políticas y Jurídicas de la Universidad del Zulia: 61–89. ISSN 0798-1406. Retrieved 18 August 2011.
{{cite journal}}
: Check date values in:|date=
(help) - ^ "Irene Sáez cae 30% en el término de tres meses en las encuestas". NotiTarde. 19 January 1998. Archived from the original on 11 March 2016. Retrieved 14 September 2011.
- ^ "El partido Copei acordó retirar apoyo a Irene Sáez y respaldar a Salas Römer". NotiTarde (HTML). 1 December 1998. Archived from the original on 14 March 2016. Retrieved 17 September 2011.
- ^ "Hugo Chávez, imparable en Venezuela". El Tiempo (Colombia). 1 August 1998. Retrieved 17 September 2011.
- ^ a b "Chávez modera su discurso". Clarín (Argentina). 3 December 1998. Retrieved 17 September 2011.
- ^ a b c d e f Agence France-Presse (4 February 1999). "Ante referéndum constituyente". Panamá América. Retrieved 22 September 2011.
- ^ Corrales, Javier; Penfold, Michael (2011). Dragon in the tropics: Hugo Chávez and the political economy of revolution in Venezuela. Washington, D.C: Brookings Institution Press. pp. 18–19. ISBN 978-0815704973.
- ^ Valente, Jesús (22 September 1999). "Constituyente: Henrique Capriles Radonsky". Analítica.com. Archived from the original on 4 October 2011. Retrieved 22 September 2011.
- ^ a b Combellas, Ricardo (January 2003). "El proceso constituyente y la Constitución de 1999". Politeia. 26 (30): 100–113. ISSN 0303-9757. Archived from the original on 27 July 2014. Retrieved 22 September 2011.
- ^ Rachadell, Manuel (enero-junio de 2010). "El sistema electoral en la Ley Orgánica de Procesos Electorales" (PDF). Provincia (23): 127–155. Retrieved 22 September 2011.
{{cite journal}}
: Check date values in:|date=
(help) - ^ Brewer Carías 2001, p. 181.
- ^ a b Combellas, Ricardo (January 2003). "El proceso constituyente y la Constitución de 1999". Politeia. 26 (30): 100–113. ISSN 0303-9757. Archived from the original on 27 July 2014. Retrieved 22 September 2011.
- ^ "El huracán Hugo arrasó con todo". Página/12. 28 July 1999. Retrieved 22 September 2011.
- ^ a b c d Combellas, Ricardo (January 2003). "El proceso constituyente y la Constitución de 1999". Politeia. 26 (30): 100–113. ISSN 0303-9757. Archived from the original on 27 July 2014. Retrieved 22 September 2011.
- ^ Aznárez, Juan Jesús (27 August 1999). "Una institución de florero". El País (España). Retrieved 22 September 2011.
- ^ Aznárez, Juan Jesús (27 August 1999). "El Congreso venezolano insiste en discutir hoy su futuro, pese al veto de la Constituyente". El País (España). Retrieved 22 September 2011.
- ^ a b Vinogradoff, Ludmila (11 September 1999). "La Constituyente y el Congreso compartirán sede en Venezuela". El País (España). Retrieved 22 September 2011.
- ^ APTN (25 August 1999). "Venezuela:President of Supreme Court Resings". Associated Press. Retrieved 17 June 2015.
- ^ Combellas, Ricardo (January 2003). "El proceso constituyente y la Constitución de 1999". Politeia. 26 (30): 100–113. ISSN 0303-9757. Archived from the original on 27 July 2014. Retrieved 22 September 2011.
- ^ Combellas, Ricardo (January 2003). "El proceso constituyente y la Constitución de 1999". Politeia. 26 (30): 100–113. ISSN 0303-9757. Archived from the original on 27 July 2014. Retrieved 22 September 2011.
- ^ Agence France-Presse (22 November 1999). "Se inicia campaña en Venezuela". Panamá América. Retrieved 22 September 2011.
- ^ "Copei ratificó su rechazo al proyecto constitucional". Analítica semanal. 1 al 8 de diciembre de 1998. Archived from the original on 31 October 2005. Retrieved 22 September 2011.
{{cite web}}
: Check date values in:|date=
(help) - ^ "Constituyentes de la provincia emboscaron la descentralización". NotiTarde. 1 December 1999. Retrieved 22 September 2011.
- ^ "Empresarios, por el No". Clarín (Argentina). 24 November 1999. Retrieved 22 September 2011.
- ^ Valente, Jesús (22 September 1999). "Constituyente: Henrique Capriles Radonsky". Analítica.com. Archived from the original on 4 October 2011. Retrieved 22 September 2011.
- ^ a b "Resultados electorales referendo 15/12/1999" (PDF). Consejo Nacional Electoral (Venezuela). Retrieved 23 September 2011.
- ^ a b "Resultados electorales referendo consultivo nacional 25/04/1999" (PDF). Consejo Nacional Electoral (Venezuela). Retrieved 23 September 2011.
- ^ a b Pérez Baralt, Carmen (julio-diciembre de 2000). "Cambios en la participación electoral venezolana: 1998-2000". Cuestiones Políticas. 25: 9–21. ISSN 0798-1406. Retrieved 22 September 2011.
{{cite journal}}
: Check date values in:|date=
(help) - ^ a b c Aznárez, Juan Jesús (19 March 2000). "Duelo de comandantes". El País (España). Retrieved 5 October 2012.
- ^ a b "Deriva venezolana". El País (España). 22 February 2000. Retrieved 5 October 2012.
- ^ a b Vinogradoff, Ludmila (17 February 2000). "Los compañeros golpistas de Chávez amenazan con retirarle el apoyo si no encarcela a varios altos cargos". El País (España). Retrieved 5 October 2012.
- ^ "Comentarios: Nubarrones en las Megaelecciones" (PDF). SIC (623): 120. 2000. Retrieved 5 October 2012.
- ^ Aznarez, Juan Jesús (29 July 2000). "Guerra sin cuartel entre las dos caras de la revolución bolivariana". El País (España). Retrieved 5 October 2012.
- ^ Aznárez, Juan Jesús (26 May 2000). "El Tribunal Supremo de Venezuela suspende las elecciones por falta de condiciones técnicas". El País (España). Retrieved 5 October 2012.
- ^ "El DECRETO 1011 LOS SUPERVISORES ITINERANTES EN LA PERSPECTIVA DE LOS ADVERSARIOS Y DEFENSORES". 2000. Retrieved 10 July 2018.
- ^ "Con mis hijos no te metas". www.noticierodigital.com. Archived from the original on 16 June 2018. Retrieved 10 July 2018.
- ^ "Leonardo Carvajal: Resolución 058 pretende implementar el decreto 1011". www.noticierodigital.com. Archived from the original on 17 June 2018. Retrieved 10 July 2018.
- ^ "Chávez: El Decreto 1011 va". Analitica.com (in European Spanish). 1 April 2001. Retrieved 10 July 2018.
- ^ Olivero, Ana Maria Siso (7 December 2008). "Sistema Educativo Bolivariano: Chávez y el Sistema Educativo Bolivariano". Sistema Educativo Bolivariano. Retrieved 10 July 2018.
- ^ Herrera, Mariano. ""Chávez y el Sistema Educativo Bolivariano"" (PDF).
- ^ Corrales, Javier; Penfold, Michael (2011). Dragon in the tropics: Hugo Chávez and the political economy of revolution in Venezuela. Washington, D.C: Brookings Institution Press. pp. 21–24. ISBN 978-0815704973.
- ^ "Venezuela: Hugo Chávez otro populista.-10 las 49 leyes". www.nodo50.org. Retrieved 10 July 2018.
- ^ "EL PRIMER CHAVEZ EN LA PRENSA ESPAÑOLA" (PDF).
- ^ Estanga, Pedro F. Carmona (21 March 2011). "Desde la distancia: LIBRO: "MI TESTIMONIO ANTE LA HISTORIA", por Pedro Carmona E. 2005". Desde la distancia. Archived from the original on 11 May 2013. Retrieved 10 July 2018.
- ^ "ATTORNEY GENERAL'S OFFICE ADMITS THAT VENEZUELAN GOVERNMENT EXCEEDED ITS AUTHORITY IN ENACTING ENABLING LAW". Archived from the original on 4 April 2008. Retrieved 10 July 2018.
- ^ "GOBIERNO VIOLÓ LA CONSTITUCIÓN". El Universal (in Spanish). 7 October 2018. Archived from the original on 2014-07-15. Retrieved 10 July 2018.
- ^ "Chávez ha dictado 143 leyes vía Habilitante desde 2001". El Universal (in Spanish). 28 December 2011. Archived from the original on 17 June 2015. Retrieved 10 July 2018.
- ^ "Chávez destacó que el gobierno aprobó 49 leyes en el marco de la Ley Habilitante". Analitica.com (in European Spanish). 14 November 2001. Retrieved 10 July 2018.
- ^ "GACETA OFICIAL". www.ventanalegal.com. Archived from the original on 11 July 2018. Retrieved 10 July 2018.
- ^ "LEY DE TIERRAS" (PDF).
- ^ "Hace 14 años Fedecámaras convocó a un paro patronal para desestabilizar al gobierno de Chávez | El Abrelata". elabrelata.com (in European Spanish). Archived from the original on 11 July 2018. Retrieved 10 July 2018.
- ^ "Empresarios venezolanos respaldan paro cívico | Emol.com". Emol (in Spanish). 19 November 2001. Retrieved 10 July 2018.
{{cite news}}
:|first=
missing|last=
(help); Unknown parameter|apellidos=
ignored (|last=
suggested) (help) - ^ Palacio, Mayerlin. "11 de abril de 2002: El Golpe de Estado y la resistencia del pueblo". cucuta.consulado.gob.ve. Retrieved 10 July 2018.
- ^ "ABRIL 2002 CRONOLOGÍA DE LOS HECHOS – El Jojoto". www.eljojoto.net (in European Spanish). Archived from the original on 26 March 2018. Retrieved 11 July 2018.
- ^ "Toro Hardy: Despidos tras paro petrolero en 2002 destruyeron a Pdvsa". Globovisión (in European Spanish). Archived from the original on 11 July 2018. Retrieved 11 July 2018.
{{cite news}}
: Unknown parameter|apellidos=
ignored (|last=
suggested) (help); Unknown parameter|deadurl=
ignored (|url-status=
suggested) (help) - ^ a b "11 de abril de 2002: Esa marcha no llegará a Miraflores". Venelogía (in Spanish). Retrieved 11 July 2018.
- ^ Hawkins, Kirk A. (2010). Venezuela's Chavismo and populism in comparative perspective (1st publ. ed.). New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521765039.
- ^ Yergin, Daniel (2012). The Quest: energy, security and the remaking of the modern world (revised & updated ed.). New York: Penguin Books. ISBN 978-0143121947.
- ^ On April 11, 2002, by radio, Chavez communicates with several high ranking military officers in order to coordinate the displacement of troops in Caracas.
- ^ http://brianandrewnelson.com/Venezuela/Video_Clips/Killing_of_Jesus_A_2.mov
- ^ http://brianandrewnelson.com/Venezuela/Video_Clips/Malvina_Tortoza.mov
- ^ "http://www.eluniversal.com/nacional-y-politica/11-de-abril/120411/caso-llaguno-dos-muertos-once-sentenciados". El Universal (in Spanish). 7 November 2018. Retrieved 11 July 2018.
{{cite news}}
: External link in
(help)|title=
- ^ "Cronología de un vacío de poder". 5 April 2007. Retrieved 11 July 2018.
- ^ Wilson, Scott (13 April 2002). "Leader of Venezuela Is Forced To Resign". The Washington Post.
- ^ Harnecker, Marta. (Z Communications, 9 January 2003)."Lessons of the April Coup: Harnecker interviews Chávez". Retrieved 7 September 2010. Archived 21 February 2014 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ "13 de abril de 2002: Chavistas retoman el poder y una carta escrita por su líder anima el rescate". NTN24 (in Spanish). Retrieved 11 July 2018.
- ^ a b "¿Quién es Raúl Baduel?". 6 November 2007. Retrieved 11 July 2018.
- ^ "Círculos bolivarianos protestaron" (in Spanish). Últimas Noticias. 13 April 2002. Archived from the original on 2 November 2003. Retrieved 11 April 2008.
- ^ "12 de abril de 2002: Carmona, disolución de poderes y caos en el país". Globovisión (in European Spanish). Retrieved 11 July 2018.
{{cite news}}
: Unknown parameter|apellidos=
ignored (|last=
suggested) (help) - ^ El Acertijo de Abril (Primera ed.). La Hoja del Norte. April 2012. p. 217.
{{cite book}}
:|access-date=
requires|url=
(help);|first1=
missing|last1=
(help);|first2=
missing|last2=
(help); Unknown parameter|apellidos1=
ignored (|last1=
suggested) (help); Unknown parameter|apellidos2=
ignored (|last2=
suggested) (help) - ^ "Venezuela investiga el "Carmonazo"". 5 October 2004. Retrieved 11 July 2018.
- ^ "Diosdado Cabello: Yo ya fui presidente en el 2002 gracias a la derecha". Panorama (in Spanish). Archived from the original on 11 July 2018. Retrieved 11 July 2018.
- ^ "La oposición apoya a 14 altos mandos militares sublevados contra Chávez". El País (in Spanish). 2002-10-24. ISSN 1134-6582. Retrieved 2021-05-26.
{{cite news}}
:|first=
missing|last=
(help); Unknown parameter|apellidos=
ignored (|last=
suggested) (help) - ^ "Un mes de rebeldía en la Plaza Altamira de Caracas". El Universo. 2002-11-24. Retrieved 2021-05-26.
- ^ a b "Llegó la dictablanda...". Historieta de Venezuela: De Macuro a Maduro. Gráficas Pedrazas. 2018. p. 158.
{{cite book}}
:|first2=
missing|last2=
(help);|first=
missing|last=
(help); Unknown parameter|apellidos2=
ignored (|last2=
suggested) (help) - ^ "Venezuela, 60 días de rebeldía". El Universo (in Spanish). 2002-12-22. Retrieved 2021-05-26.
- ^ "Condena por muertos en protesta". 2003-04-15. Retrieved 2021-05-26.
- ^ Caracas, Owain Johnson in (2003-02-20). "Anti-Chavez protesters murdered". The Guardian. Retrieved 2021-05-26.
- ^ "A 10 años del paro de 2002 - Economía - EL UNIVERSAL". archivo.eluniversal.com (in Spanish). Archived from the original on 11 July 2018. Retrieved 11 July 2018.
- ^ "MEMORIA HISTÓRICA | 02/12/2002: CTV, Fedecámaras y la Coordinadora Democrática (MUD) inician sabotaje petrolero como "ensayo" de la Guerra Económica". Ley Resorte (in European Spanish). 2 December 2016. Archived from the original on 11 July 2018. Retrieved 11 July 2018.
{{cite news}}
:|first=
missing|last=
(help); Unknown parameter|apellidos=
ignored (|last=
suggested) (help) - ^ "Los rostros del Golpe del 11-A de 2002". Retrieved 11 July 2018.
{{cite news}}
:|first=
missing|last=
(help); Unknown parameter|apellidos=
ignored (|last=
suggested) (help) - ^ "Hace diez años sonó el Pito de la Infamia". www.noticierodigital.com. Retrieved 11 July 2018.
- ^ Olson, Alexandra (6 January 2003). "Chavez insists Venezuela oil industry rebounding". Associated Press. Retrieved 2023-11-16.
- ^ "Chávez despide a ejecutivos disidentes de Petróleos de Venezuela - ABR. 07, 2002 - Internacionales - Históricos - EL UNIVERSO". www.eluniverso.com. Retrieved 11 July 2018.
- ^ "Como "lacra" se refiere Chávez a ex empleados de Pdvsa y Eddie Ramírez le responde. + Video cuando reconoció generar la crisis en el 2002". El Weblog de infragon (in European Spanish). 23 January 2010. Retrieved 11 July 2018.
- ^ "Venezuela: firmas y más firmas". 24 December 2003. Retrieved 11 July 2018.
- ^ "La oposición venezolana cesa paro de dos meses - Edición Impresa - ABC Color" (in European Spanish). Retrieved 11 July 2018.
- ^ a b c d Cannon, Barry (2014). "As Clear as MUD: Characteristics, Objectives, and Strategies of the Opposition in Bolivarian Venezuela" (PDF). Latin American Politics and Society. 56 (4): 49–70. doi:10.1111/j.1548-2456.2014.00248.x. S2CID 55502016.
- ^ a b c "Dirigente opositor radical denuncia allanamiento de su residencia en Venezuela". El Universo (in Spanish). 2004-05-17. Retrieved 2023-11-16.
- ^ Cooper, Andrew F.; Legler, Thomas (3 August 2005). "A Tale of Two Mesas: The OAS Defense of Democracy in Peru and Venezuela". Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations. 11 (4): 425–444. doi:10.1163/19426720-01104003.
- ^ Carroll, Rory (2013). Comandante : myth and reality in Hugo Chávez's Venezuela. Penguin Press: New York. pp. 100–104. ISBN 9781594204579.
- ^ Rojas, Alfredo (2004), "Chávez espera copia de planillas para mostrar fraude en cadena", El Universal
- ^ Carroll, Rory (2013). Comandante : myth and reality in Hugo Chávez's Venezuela. Penguin Press: New York. pp. 100–104. ISBN 9781594204579.
- ^ Malinarich, Nathalie (27 November 2006). "Venezuela: A nation divided". BBC News. Retrieved 10 January 2010.
- ^ a b c d Zeitlin, Janine (11 October 2007). "War on Hugo Chávez". Miami New Times. Archived from the original on 20 July 2008.
- ^ "Capturan "paramilitares" en Venezuela". BBC News. 9 May 2004. Retrieved 22 April 2010.
- ^ Dominguez, Francisco (2011). "Chapter 7 - Venezuela's opposition: desperately seeking to overthrow Chávez". Right-Wing Politics in the New Latin America: Reaction and Revolt. Zed Books. ISBN 9781848138148.
- ^ a b c d e Jiménez, Maryhen (February 2023). "Contesting Autocracy: Repression and Opposition Coordination in Venezuela". Political Studies. 71 (1): 47–68. doi:10.1177/0032321721999975. S2CID 236367812.
- ^ a b "Venezuela: Tipping Point". Crisis Group Latin America Briefing (30). International Crisis Group: 10. 21 May 2014.
López joined forces with Caracas metropolitan mayor Antonio Ledezma of the Courageous People Alliance (ABP) and independent congresswoman María Corina Machado in early 2014 in 'La Salida' to demand a change of government. This move was frowned on by the moderates in the MUD. Capriles, whose ability to appeal to disaffected chavistas had helped broaden the opposition's voter base, saw his leadership challenged by a faction whose message seemed intended to polarise, not unite, the electorate.
- ^ a b c d Neumann, William (2022). Things are never so bad that they can't get worse: inside the collapse of Venezuela. New York, NY: St. Martin's Press. pp. 204–205. ISBN 9781250266163.
- ^ Scharfenberg, Ewald (2013-04-28). "Venezuela rechaza el recuento de votos que exige la oposición". El País (in Spanish). ISSN 1134-6582. Retrieved 2023-11-23.
- ^ a b Trejos, Amanda (23 August 2017). "Why is Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro so controversial?". USA Today. Retrieved 16 November 2023.
- ^ Castillo, Mariano (2013-07-27). "A 'birther' movement rises in Venezuela". CNN. Retrieved 2023-11-20.
So far, Venezuela's birther movement also has found no evidence to back their claims, much like their American counterparts. But, in another similarity, they stubbornly refuse to back down.
- ^ Delgado, Antonio María (20 March 2014). "Estudio concluye que Maduro nació en Bogotá". El Nuevo Herald. Archived from the original on 11 May 2018. Retrieved 10 May 2018.
- ^ "Venezuela: Pres. Maduro opponents fan flames of birther debate". Associated Press. 2016-10-25. Retrieved 2023-11-20.
A birther debate is heating up in Venezuela as President Nicolas Maduro's opponents seek to push the embattled socialist leader from office at any cost. Like the birther controversy surrounding Barack Obama in the U.S., the lack of any evidence hasn't stopped his opponents from speculating.
- ^ "Afirman tener pruebas de que Maduro es colombiano". Noticias RCN. 29 July 2013. Archived from the original on 11 May 2018. Retrieved 10 May 2018.
- ^ "Machado: Ya van 4 parroquias donde nació Nicolás Maduro". Informe21. 10 October 2013. Archived from the original on 11 May 2018. Retrieved 10 May 2018.
- ^ "TSJ contradice a Maduro y resuelve el misterio de su nacionalidad". El Nacional. 28 October 2016. Archived from the original on 11 May 2018. Retrieved 10 May 2018.
- ^ "Maduro is Venezuelan, top court rules". Reuters. 2016-10-28. Retrieved 2023-11-22.
- ^ "TSJ contradice a Maduro y resuelve el misterio de su nacionalidad". El Nacional. 28 October 2016. Archived from the original on 11 May 2018. Retrieved 10 May 2018.
- ^ Peñaloza, Pedro Pablo (29 October 2016). "¿Dónde nació Nicolás Maduro? El Supremo de Venezuela contradice la autobiografía del mandatario". Univisión Noticias. Archived from the original on 11 May 2018. Retrieved 10 May 2018.
- ^ "TSJ en el exilio decreta nulidad de elección de Maduro como presidente". Diario las Américas. 11 January 2018. Archived from the original on 9 May 2019. Retrieved 16 January 2018.
- ^ "Detailed findings of the independent international fact-finding mission on the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela" (PDF). United Nations Human Rights Council. 15 September 2020. p. 14.
In January 2014, in a context of economic decline, inflation and widespread insecurity in the country, a group of opposition leaders initiated a campaign to remove President Nicolás Maduro from office. The effort was referred to as "The Exit" ("La Salida").
- ^ Bellaviti, Sean (May 2021). "La Hora de la Salsa : Nicolás Maduro and the Political Dimensions of Salsa in Venezuela". Journal of Latin American Studies. 53 (2): 373–396. doi:10.1017/S0022216X21000237. S2CID 233668765.
Dubbed 'La Salida' (The Exit) by members of the opposition who called for Maduro's ousting
- ^ "Venezuela protest death toll rises to 13". Al Jazeera. 24 February 2014. Retrieved 30 October 2023.
a nationwide effort called 'la Salida' or 'the Exit,' aimed at ending Maduro's rule.
- ^ Kobelinsky, Fernanda (18 February 2017). "La historia detrás de la detención de Leopoldo López: sus horas previas, por qué se entregó y la sorprendente oferta de Maduro". Infobae (in Spanish). Retrieved 2023-11-03.
- ^ Casey, Nicholas; Torres, Patricia (30 March 2017). "Venezuela Muzzles Legislature, Moving Closer to One-Man Rule". The New York Times. Retrieved 31 March 2017.
- ^ "Venezuela's Lame-Duck Congress Names New Supreme Court Justices". Bloomberg. 23 December 2015. Retrieved 31 March 2017.
- ^ "Parlamento Europeo rechaza las elecciones presidenciales por considerarlas "fraudulentas"". La Patilla (in European Spanish). 8 February 2018. Retrieved 10 February 2018.
- ^ "Eurocámara pide la suspensión inmediata del proceso ilegítimo del #20May en Venezuela". La Patilla (in European Spanish). 3 May 2018. Retrieved 4 May 2018.
- ^ • Martín, Sabrina (8 February 2018). "Unión Europea prepara nuevas sanciones contra la dictadura en Venezuela y la estatal PDVSA". Panam Post. Archived from the original on 4 January 2019. Retrieved 14 February 2018.
- Web, El Nacional (23 February 2018). "Estos países votaron a favor de la resolución de la OEA sobre Venezuela". El Nacional. Retrieved 21 May 2018.
- EFE (23 February 2018). "La OEA insta a Maduro a cancelar las elecciones presidenciales de abril". El Nacional. Retrieved 21 May 2018.
- Wyss, Jim (7 February 2018). "Solo el 29% de los venezolanos planea votar en las elecciones presidenciales". El Nuevo Herald. Retrieved 14 February 2018.
- ^ "Seis países reunidos por G-20 desconocen el proceso ilegítimo de Venezuela". La Patilla (in European Spanish). 21 May 2018. Retrieved 21 May 2018.
- ^ "Asamblea Nacional arranca proceso para Ley de Transicion". Archived from the original on 9 January 2019. Retrieved 11 March 2019.
- ^ Smith, Scott (10 January 2019). "Isolation greets Maduro's new term as Venezuela's president". AP News. Archived from the original on 11 January 2019. Retrieved 11 January 2019.
- ^ a b Neumann, William (2022). Things are never so bad that they can't get worse: inside the collapse of Venezuela. New York, NY: St. Martin's Press. pp. 211–217. ISBN 9781250266163.
- ^ "Guaidó aboga por un gobierno de transición y elecciones libres en Venezuela". Europa Press (in Spanish). 2019-01-25. Retrieved 2023-11-22.
- ^ "Qué significa el fin del "gobierno" de Juan Guaidó y cómo queda ahora la oposición a Maduro en Venezuela". BBC News Mundo (in Spanish). Retrieved 2023-11-22.
- ^ ""Me habría gustado escuchar a presidentes como Lula y Petro ponerse del lado de las víctimas": Juan Guaidó". NTN24 (in Spanish). Retrieved 2023-11-22.
- ^ Arellano, María Angela (2022-12-31). "Juan Guaidó: momentos que marcaron su interinato". Runrunes (in Spanish). Retrieved 2023-11-22.
- ^ Suarez, Enrique (2021-08-02). "Guaidó: El cese de la usurpación, gobierno de transición y elecciones libres sigue siendo nuestra bandera #2Ago". El Impulso (in Spanish). Retrieved 2023-11-22.
- ^ Villa, Rafael Duarte (2022). "Venezuelan military: a political and ideological model in Chavista governments" (PDF). Defence Studies. 22 (1): 79–98. doi:10.1080/14702436.2021.1976061. S2CID 246801363. EBSCOhost 155858391. Archived (PDF) from the original on 30 September 2023.
- ^ • "Venezuela Crisis: Guaidó Calls for Uprising as Clashes Erupt". The New York Times. 30 April 2019. Retrieved 1 June 2023.
Venezuelan military personnel who had participated in the coup attempt had since sought asylum in the Brazilian Embassy in Caracas
- Fox, Michael (2 May 2019). "Once Again, Mainstream Media Get It Wrong on Venezuela". The Nation. Retrieved 1 June 2023.
Foreign outlets, dutifully supporting Trump administration calls for regime change, reported that a widespread uprising was underway, even though Juan Guaidó's coup attempt had little support.
- Riley-Smith, Ben; Herbert, Samantha (1 May 2019). "Maduro vows retaliation for coup attempt as he denies attempts to flee to Cuba". The Daily Telegraph. Retrieved 1 June 2023.
- "Here's what Barr left out in his summary of Mueller's findings". NBC News. 1 May 2019. Retrieved 1 June 2023.
If it walks like a coup and quacks like a coup, then it sure looks a coup – backed by the Trump administration. ... Juan Guaido, flanked by his political mentor Leopoldo Lopez and a handful of soldiers who had broken ranks, issued a message to Venezuela and the world: The time to topple Nicolas Maduro's authoritarian regime was right now
- "Maduro rallies troops against 'traitors' – DW – 05/02/2019". Deutsche Welle. 2 May 2019. Retrieved 1 June 2023.
Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro sought to rally the military on Thursday in the wake of an unsuccessful coup against him.
- Baker, Beatrice Christofaro, Sinéad (30 April 2019). "A timeline of the political crisis in Venezuela, which began with claims of election rigging and has now led to an attempted military coup". Business Insider. Retrieved 1 June 2023.
{{cite news}}
: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - "May Day street clashes in Paris fuelled by widening anti-Macron coalition". Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. 1 May 2019. Retrieved 1 June 2023.
Defiant Maduro claims victory over Guaido coup attempt
- Fox, Michael (2 May 2019). "Once Again, Mainstream Media Get It Wrong on Venezuela". The Nation. Retrieved 1 June 2023.
- ^ • "Venezuelans take to streets as uprising attempt sputters". Associated Press. 2021-04-20. Retrieved 2023-06-04.
- "Venezuela arrests over 'uprising attempt'". BBC News. 2017-08-06. Retrieved 2023-06-04.
- "Photos From Venezuela: A Protest Turns Violent". The New York Times. 2019-04-30. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2023-06-04.
- "Russian army helping Venezuela amid US 'threats': Moscow's ambassador". France 24. 2019-05-24. Retrieved 2023-06-04.
- ^ "Leopoldo López y su familia ingresaron como huéspedes a la residencia del embajador de Chile". La Patilla (in European Spanish). 30 April 2019. Retrieved 30 April 2019.
- ^ Sequera, Vivian and Angus Berwick (30 April 2019). "Venezuela's Guaido calls on troops to join him in uprising against Maduro". Reuters. Retrieved 30 April 2019.
- ^ Armas, Mayela (2022-12-31). "Venezuela opposition removes interim President Guaido". Reuters. Retrieved 2022-12-31.
- ^ Martínez, Deisy (2022-12-30). "AN de 2015 aprueba su extensión por otro año y elimina gobierno interino" [2015 NA approves its extension for one more year and eliminates interim government]. Efecto Cocuyo (in Spanish). Retrieved 2022-12-31.
- ^ "Mayoría de la AN-2015 ratifica disolución del Gobierno interino". Tal Cual (in Spanish). 2022-12-30. Retrieved 2022-12-31.
Hemos tenido algo que pasó de ser provisional a convertirse en algo perpetuo. Y no se celebraron las elecciones, de manera que el artículo 233 perdió su razón de ser para justificar el gobierno interino.
- ^ a b Garcia Cano, Regina (26 October 2023). "María Corina Machado is winner of Venezuela opposition primary that the government has denounced". Associated Press News. Retrieved 27 October 2023.
- ^ Armas, Mayela; Sequera, Vivian (30 June 2023). "Venezuela opposition candidate Machado barred from holding office-gov't". Reuters. Retrieved 30 June 2023.
- ^ Perdomo, Luna (30 June 2023). "José Brito: Contraloría inhabilitó a María Corina Machado por 15 años" [José Brito: Comptroller's Office disqualified María Corina Machado for 15 years]. Tal Cual (in Spanish). Retrieved 10 July 2023.
- ^ Rodríguez, Ronny (30 June 2023). "Contraloría inhabilita a María Corina Machado por 15 años, dice José Brito" [Comptroller's Office disqualifies María Corina Machado for 15 years, says José Brito]. Efecto Cocuyo (in Spanish). Retrieved 10 July 2023.
- ^ Fray, Keith; Daniels, Joe; Silva, Vanessa; Stott, Michael (2023-03-05). "How Venezuela's Nicolás Maduro outfoxed the west". Financial Times. Retrieved 2023-11-15.
- ^ a b Morsbach, Greg (March 13, 2006). "New Venezuela flag divides nation". BBC News. Retrieved September 19, 2010.
- ^ a b "The Week" (PDF). National Review. 20 September 2010. p. 14.
- ^ El movimiento de las manos blancas (PDF). Los Andes University. 2008. Retrieved 25 November 2023.
- ^ Itriago, Andreina (2017-05-29). "Yon Goicoechea: "Espero recuperar mi libertad pronto, junto al resto de los venezolanos"". El Mundo (in Spanish). Retrieved 2023-11-25.
- ^ "De las boinas azules, a las capuchas y a las manos blancas". Observatorio Hannah Arendt. Retrieved 2023-11-25.
- ^ "La gorra de la polémica" (in Spanish). El Mundo. 3 October 2012. Retrieved 23 November 2023.