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[[User:ZiaLater]] gain a consensus here please.[[User:ApolloCarmb|ApolloCarmb]] ([[User talk:ApolloCarmb|talk]]) 18:51, 6 May 2018 (UTC) |
[[User:ZiaLater]] gain a consensus here please.[[User:ApolloCarmb|ApolloCarmb]] ([[User talk:ApolloCarmb|talk]]) 18:51, 6 May 2018 (UTC) |
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:{{ping|ApolloCarmb}} Isn't adding two boxes instead of around six a consensus? What would be a middle point in this case? Discussion and suggestions are needed to reach this consensus. --[[User:Jamez42|Jamez42]] ([[User talk:Jamez42|talk]]) 19:03, 6 May 2018 (UTC) |
Revision as of 19:04, 6 May 2018
Elections and Referendums Unassessed | |||||||
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Venezuela C‑class High‑importance | ||||||||||
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Irregularities
The process so far has ton of irregularities in its process that should be explained in the article and translated from the Spanish Wikipedia. I'd love to give a hand if needed. --Jamez42 (talk) 14:06, 19 February 2018 (UTC)
- @Jamez42: I don't know how to explain the irregularities, but I have tried to incorporate how broad the election has become. Any links discussing irregularities?----ZiaLater (talk) 04:51, 27 February 2018 (UTC)
- @ZiaLater:Sure thing. Just to clarify, for the moment only the presidential elections are official; the Electoral Council has yet to decide if the elections will also be parliamentary.
- The Venezuelan Electoral Observatory has voiced their concern that 74 days isn't enough time to guarantee electoral rights.[1]
- The Citizen Electoral Network, along with other NGOs and politicians, question that the elections date were summoned by the Constituent Assembly and complain that it is usurping Electoral Council's functions.[2]
- Súmate and Voto Joven, along with other NGOs, have expressed that the electoral calendar is shorter than six months contemplated in the electoral law, unlike previous elections but like the last municipality elections, giving no time for processes like the update of the electoral registry.[3][4] For example, while this process took two months in the 2012 presidential elections, the process was only ten days long this year, and 1300 centers were deployed contrary to the 531 during these elections.
- According to the Electoral Council, there are only 101,595 voters abroad the country, a number way much smaller than other estimates of the Bolivarian diaspora, of around between two and four million. Even though only the ID card is needed to vote, embassies and consulates have previously asked voters for other documents such as passports, original birth certificates, residency letters and other requirements not contemplated in the law.[5]
- But of course, these are only technical irregularities in the announcement and the preparation for the elections. Most of the complaints address the disqualification of most of the opposition candidates and parties and that there are many centers that remain relocated from the last regional elections. I would have to look after media outlets in English that have explained the problems above, if any. On top of that, there are all of the irregularites from the previous elections, such as use of State resources for the GPP candidates' campaigns, lack of exposure of opposition candidates in the media, bribes, threatened or pressured voters, among others that have yet to be reported on the election day.--Jamez42 (talk) 05:46, 27 February 2018 (UTC)
- @ZiaLater:Sure thing. Just to clarify, for the moment only the presidential elections are official; the Electoral Council has yet to decide if the elections will also be parliamentary.
Colors
Is there a particular reason to use blue as the color to identify Falcón? Blue is strongly associated with MUD and Falcón is not a MUD candidate. In Spanish orange it’s been use for him as is one of the colors of his party’s flag. Also in the case of Bertolucci green may be more suitable as his campaign logo uses a lot of it. --Dereck Camacho (talk) 23:00, 22 April 2018 (UTC)
Campaign
I just wanted to let know those interested that the electoral campaign started two days ago and that it will be 26 days long. --Jamez42 (talk) 23:32, 24 April 2018 (UTC)
NGOs
All lot of these NGOs are led by the Venezuelan opposition. Foro Penal provided free legal assistance to those involved in the 2002 Venezuelan coup d'état attempt against Hugo Chavez (see their article) and Súmate is funded by the US government and is led by María Corina Machado, a member of the anti-Maduro Come Venezuela political party (again see relevant articles).ApolloCarmb (talk) 19:57, 4 May 2018 (UTC)
- @ApolloCarmb: Why are "lot of these NGOs led by the Venezuelan opposition"? Do you have sources or references that prove it? I've counted seven NGOs out of the two named, most of which don't have an article. Why are they opposition led?
- Did you also know, for instance, that the Llaguno Overpass shooting was an important event *before* the 2002 coup and that Foro Penal assisted many of the wounded protestors and the relatives of the persons killed? Foro Penal'so legal assistance included help to the relatives of 16 persons killed of which, it should be noted, there were government supporters and opponents alike and that the government has still not found the responsibles of the murders. I'm adding the sources that show that Foro Penal's statutes forbid members to be related to politics.[6][7][8] Did you also know that Súmate was cofounded by Alejandro Plaz, and María Corina stopped working in Súmate once she started running in politics for the National Assembly, when she funded her political party Come Venezuela and now started the Soy Venezuela organization? She also founded the less known NGO Atenea around 30 years ago way before she was involved in politics, it doesn't mean that Atenea, for example, is opposition led.
- Even if these claims are true and all of the NGOs are "opposition led", this is still an ad hominem argument and does not adresses the denouncements of the irregularities. Three months ago I already made a briefing above in this talk page. It is a well known fact that Súmate is funded by the National Endowment for Democracy and it is a common scapegoat of the government, but it does not mean that its complaints are any less valid. Hinterlaces is a well known progovernment pollster cited in the article and whose director Oscar Schemel is a member of the National Constituent Assembly, but I haven't said that it shouldn't be quoted in the article. If there are electoral experts, observers or NGO that refute these points and claims, feel free to add them, it would help with the perspective of the article and show if there's really a disagreement that these elections are irregular. --Jamez42 (talk) 17:39, 5 May 2018 (UTC)
- The quotes included as of my last edit appear fine as they are from notable individuals and directly related to the article.----ZiaLater (talk) 18:47, 6 May 2018 (UTC)
Quotes
User:ZiaLater gain a consensus here please.ApolloCarmb (talk) 18:51, 6 May 2018 (UTC)
- @ApolloCarmb: Isn't adding two boxes instead of around six a consensus? What would be a middle point in this case? Discussion and suggestions are needed to reach this consensus. --Jamez42 (talk) 19:03, 6 May 2018 (UTC)