The Russian–Ukrainian information war is a campaign by governmental and non-governmental organizations of Russia and Ukraine to demoralize or mislead. This information war began during the collapse of the USSR and continues as an essential part of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict.
Reasons for conflict
Russian politicians idealize Soviet Russia: the Communist Party as a time of prosperity, and the ruling United Russia party as the country's “glorious past.”[1] Since the collapse of the USSR, Russian politicians have talked of restoring Russia's influence in the post-Soviet countries.
“According to Vladimir Bukovsky, a dissident who spent a decade in Soviet prisons before his exile to the West in 1976, Putin is totally genuine when he says the disintegration of the Soviet Union was a "geopolitical catastrophe".”[2]
He has called the growing number of NATO members in Eastern Europe a threat, and written that Russia and Ukraine are really one country.[3] This revanchism focuses on Ukraine, whose withdrawal from the USSR led to its collapse.[4]
At the 2008 Bucharest summit April 2–4, 2008, Putin told US President George W. Bush: "You understand, George, that Ukraine is not even a state! What is Ukraine? Part of its territory is Eastern Europe, and another part, and a significant one, was given to us!"[5][6][7]
In November 2013, the pro-Russian Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovych blocked[8] the legislatively approved course towards European integration, and the Revolution of Dignity began. Putin “used disinformation to lay the groundwork to annex Crimea in 2014, and to support continued fighting in Ukraine’s Eastern provinces of Donetsk and Luhansk,” wrote Forbes contributor Jill Goldenziel.[9] Kremlin propaganda devolved into an openly chauvinistic, imperial and deceitful information war against Ukraine, which had the goal of preparing the world's public opinion for the aggression of Russian Federation to Ukraine.
The beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian war in 2014 saw Russia attempt to increase its influence on Ukraine,[10] which began a geopolitical turn to the West with the Revolution of Dignity. The Russian government's campaign took the form of a hybrid war, bordering on state terrorism.[citation needed] The information war intensified with Russian armed aggression, and aimed to providing information to separatists in eastern Ukraine, weaken the control of the central government, and create security and economic problems.
Methods and resources
Russia
Media
Russian media, including those accredited in the West, have been used for intensive multi-channel propaganda and persuading the world community.[11] Among the best-known are Sputnik, RT (formerly RussiaToday), RIA Novosti, Life (formerly LifeNews).[12]
RT is an important weapon of Russian authorities in the information war.[13] Its audience as of 2015 was 700 million people in more than 100 countries around the world.[14] The budget of Russia Today for 2012 was €275 million,[15] and in 2014 it was already $500 million.[16] As of 2012, this channel ranked first in the world in terms of government spending per employee, which reached $183 thousand per person.[15]
As of 2014, Russia has spent more than $9 billion on its propaganda.[17][16][18]
At the local level, Russia has funded pro-Russian regional media outlets, including in Ukraine.[16]
Information operations
According to The Washington Post, in 2014 the Russian military intelligence (GRU) created more than 30 pseudo-Ukrainian groups and social media accounts, as well as 25 "leading English-language" publications. Posing as ordinary Ukrainians, intelligence operatives concocted news and disseminated comments to turn pro-Russian citizens against the protesters.[19]
In February 2017, the Russian Minister of Defence acknowledged the existence of "information operations forces" in Russia.[20]
Wikipedia and information warfare
The high page rank of Wikipedia does not go unnoticed. One of the most used methods in this plane is the influence on historical consciousness. For example, constant edit wars take place over the article "Kievan Rus " on the Russian-language version of Wikipedia. The Russian-language article on "Konotop battle" defines the Konotop battle as an episode of the Russian-Polish war, since in the Russian-language Wikipedia, the concept of Russian-Ukrainian wars is absent. The Russian version of Wikipedia lacks articles about the Russian soldiers who died or were taken prisoner in the Russian invasion of Ukraine, and for that matter there are no articles on the Russian invasions of Ukraine.[21]
Genocide accusations
Putin accuses Ukraine of genocide.[22][23]
Ukraine
Media
The first Ukrainian international TV channel, Ukraine Today, broadcast 2014–2017.[24]
Ukrainian Crisis Media Center
At the beginning of the 2014 Russian invasion, the Ukraine Crisis Media Center was created, a platform for speeches by experts, government officials, international organizations and the diplomatic corps. It provides support to media representatives who cover events in Ukraine.
Articles in about Ukraine in The Guardian receive tens to hundreds of times more comments than others, effectively impeding any real discussion, according to Natalia Popovich, co-founder of the UCMC, and armies of Russian bots only undermine discussion in the forums in which they participate. This undermines confidence in Russia as a source of information, she says, advocating truth against lies and “asymmetric approaches to combating information aggression.”[12]
Methods
Russian
The split of self-identification
Beginning in the 2000s, Russia launched large-scale propaganda in Ukraine, based on the doctrine of the "Russian World".[25] It's ideological basis was the revanchism of the Russian Federation for the collapse of the Soviet Union through the cultural, economic, and then the political restoration of Russia within the borders of the pre-1991 USSR and the restoration of the former Soviet "zone of influence" in Europe and Asia.[26][27][28][29] According to this doctrine, three categories of the world's population are considered "Russians":[30] ethnic Russians, regardless of where they live; Russian-speaking population regardless of nationality; compatriots who have ever lived on the territory of the Russian Empire, the USSR and other state entities, as well as their descendants.
Tropes
Since the collapse of the USSR, Russia has developed a system of anti-Ukrainian propaganda and disinformation, which was aimed at forming an image of the enemy, splitting Ukrainian civil society, changing the guidelines of social and political development.
One of the first such propaganda tropes in the early 1990s was that events were usually presented with the phrases "after the collapse of the USSR", "with the collapse of the USSR", etc., to create the impression that these phenomena arose as a result of the collapse of the USSR, and not, for example, for the reasons that led to the collapse.[citation needed]
In the early 1990s, propaganda became prevalent, designed to prove the economic and then political bankruptcy of Ukraine as a state. It was at this time that the well-known «Ukraine steals Russian gas», «Independent» instead of «Ukraine» and others belong.
Disinformation
Russia uses disinformation to support the importance and greatness of Russia, and sometimes as a way to avoid responsibility for its actions.
The most fake tweets in a day, or on a single topic, by Russian disinformation agency Internet Research Agency (IRA).[31] followed shooting down of the Malaysian MH17 airliner. Russia took extensive measures and gave many narratives to hide its involvement.[32][33]
In three days after the crash, the Russian Internet Research Agency posted 111,486 tweets from fake accounts, mostly in Russian.[34] At first they said that Russian-backed rebels downed a Ukrainian plane; later tweets said Ukraine had shot the airliner down.[35]
On December 20, 2017, The Intelligence and Security Committee of the British Parliament in its report specifically emphasized that Russia was waging a massive information war with intense, multi-channel propaganda to convince the world that Russia did not shoot down the plane.[36][37][38]
Blocking Ukrainian media and Facebook accounts
- On August 10, 2014, the German provider Hetzner Online AG sent a letter of forgiveness to Glavkom. The provider previously wanted to block Glavkom at the request of the Russian "Roskomnadzor" for publishing material about the March for the federalization of Siberia.[39]
- According to MSNBC in October 2017, Russian information warfare operatives during the invasion of a neighbouring state "reported" the Facebook posts of Ukraininian activists, baselessly claiming that they were pornography or other regulared category of messages.[40]
- On July 14, 2014, Facebook blocked the page "Book of Memory of the Fallen for Ukraine", after warning that the content of some messages "violate(d) Facebook standards".[41][42][43] They were primarily messages about the death of Ukrainian soldiers from the OZSP NSU "Azov".[12]
- In July 2019, the German provider Hetzner Online GmbH warned The Ukrainian Week that the site would be blocked until "extremist content" is removed. The provider received a request for this from Roskomnadzor, which considers the 2015 material on Right Sector a violation of Russian legislation.[44]
Attempts to censorship of Russian Wikipedia
Since the early 2010s, Russian Wikipedia and its editors have experienced numerous and increasing threats of nationwide blocks and country-wide enforcement of blacklisting by the Russian government, as well as several attempts to Internet censorship, propaganda, and disinformation,[45][46][47][48][49][50] more recently during the 2014 Russo-Ukrainian conflict in the Donbas region[51][52][53] and the current 2022 Russo-Ukrainian War.[54]
In February and March 2022,[54] in the first week following the Russian invasion of Ukraine and breakout of the Russo-Ukrainian War,[54] Russian Wikipedia editors warned their readers and fellow editors of several, reiterated attempts by the Putin-led Russian government of political censorship, Internet propaganda, disinformation attacks, and disruptive editing towards an article listing of Russian military casualties as well as Ukrainian civilians and children due to the ongoing military conflict.[54]
Ukrainian
Blocking Russian and pro-Russian media
Since the summer of 2014, the State Committee for Television and Radio Broadcasting of Ukraine began fighting against separatist and anti-state materials in the media. In October 2014, they have revoked the certificates of state registration of 1 collection, 7 newspapers and 11 magazines.[55]
Prerequisites
Before the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the Russian people themselves had been victims: propaganda justifying a future war against Ukraine appeared in almost all spheres of their public and private lives. Novels such as Fyodor Berezin's “War 2010: Ukrainian Front" and Alexander Sever's book "Russian-Ukrainian Wars" posited a war against Ukraine.[56] and on Internet forums, has become an element of children's creativity.[citation needed]
Since Ukraine's independence, the Russian Federation has waged a constant information war against Ukraine, especially during the pro-Russian regime of Yanukovych.[57] Since February 2014, Russian propaganda has taken the form of Goebbels' propaganda during the Second World War.[58] Ukrainian figures were quoted allegedly making provocative statements.[59] A criminal case was brought against the leader of the Ukrainian Right Sector, Dmytro Yarosh, for supposedly publishing an appeal to Dokka Umarov to carry out terrorist attacks in the Russian Federation. A day later authorities announced that the appeal had been the work of hackers.[60] The Russian Federation in this way misinforms and misleads its citizens and the audience of its television channels in other countries - Channel One Russia and Russia-24 for example.[61]
In June 2014, the NSDC received instructional materials on conducting an information war, used for basic training of specialists of the power structures of Russia in conducting an information war.[62]
According to activists of the campaign to boycott Russian cinema, Russia is waging an information war against Ukraine also through cinema.[63]
Russian information policy
The information policy of the Russian Federation has acquired the character of a purposeful information war against Ukraine: bias, manipulation, distortion of facts, outright lies, and Putin–Kremlin propaganda as part of the Kremlin's policy as a whole. A large number of actors–citizens of Russia, Ukraine, and other countries, as well as other specialists in Ukraine—are involved to get the right TV picture.
For several months, DDoS attacks were carried out against Ukrainian information sites: Censor.NET, Tizhden.ua, Ukrayinska Pravda and others, as well as the website of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine, with the appearance of ads for V. Yanukovych.[64]
Representatives of the leadership and diplomats of the Russian Federation in their speeches, including speeches at the UN, spread false information. During a press conference in Moscow, when asked by a journalist whether the Russian military was used to blockade Ukrainian troops, Russian President Vladimir Putin said it was a "Crimean self-defence" force and that Russia had no part in training it.[65] However, the analysis of photos of military equipment blocking Ukrainian military units in the Crimea (according to the Russian edition of The New Times) shows that the license plates are military vehicles of the North Caucasus Military District. On one of the cars you can see the icon of the Guards Division, which was forgotten camouflage, as well as modifications of small arms (for example, the Dragunov self-loading sniper rifle), which officially enters service only with the Russian military,[66] all indicate the use of the Russian Federation's armed forces to escalate the conflict in Crimea.
The Russian Federation spent more than $5 million a day on false coverage of events in Ukraine in international publications.[67]
The propaganda of the war in Russia
Due to the military aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, as one of the areas of information warfare, the aggressor uses the propaganda of war in the media, as well as representatives of the country's leadership, politicians and scientists connected to it.[68][69]
Those who are against the war with Ukraine, Vladimir Putin calls nothing more than "traitors" and "fifth column".[70]
As early as September 2008, A. Dugin, a Russian fascist[71][72] known as "Putin's brain," demanded an invasion of Ukraine and other countries that had previously been part of the USSR:[73][74] "The Soviet empire will be restored. in different ways: by force, diplomacy, economic pressure ... Everything will depend on place and time.
In April 2014, the rebroadcasting of four Russian TV channels was banned for inciting ethnic strife and propagating war in Ukraine. At the same time, two Russian channels were banned from broadcasting in Lithuania.[75]
On 13 April 2014, NATO Secretary-General Anders Fogh Rasmussen, in a statement posted on the alliance's website, accused Russia of promoting war and wanting to overthrow Ukraine.[76]
In May 2014, the network received a commercial created in the autumn of 2013 by order of the Russian Defense Ministry, which is campaigning to join the armed forces of the Russian Federation. The video was criticized for promoting the war and its origin was removed from Vimeo video hosting (now only posted on YouTube).[77]
To justify the aggression, the Putin regime draws a line between "ours" and "fascists" in Ukraine. At the same time, the Russian leadership continues to promote violence applied to "not ours" as something desirable and even obligatory.[78]
Children's programs are also used for propaganda.[79]
On July 5, the SBU opened criminal proceedings against Russian presidential adviser Sergei Glazyev for the public appeal for a military conflict with Ukraine.
Accusations against Ukraine of antisemitism
Representatives of the Jewish community of Ukraine addressed an open letter to President Putin to clarify the real situation with the rights of Russians in Ukraine, where they indicated that they were "confident" that he "cannot be misled." And this means that he "deliberately chooses lies and slander from the mass of information about Ukraine." And he is well aware that the words of Yanukovych during a press conference in Rostov-on-Don, that "... Kyiv was filled with armed people who began to smash buildings, places of worship, temples. [...] People were simply robbed and killed in the streets" this is a lie from the first to the last word. They also said that Putin "confused Russia and Ukraine" when he spoke about the growth of anti-Semitism in Ukraine. By contrast, in Russia, Jewish organizations recorded an increase in anti-Semitism in the past year. In Ukraine, however, even nationalist groups do not allow themselves to demonstrate anti-Semitism and other forms of xenophobia. In Russia, neo-Nazi organizations are encouraged by the special services. The letter also states that "stability in our country is under threat. And this threat comes from the Russian authorities, that is, from you. It is your policy of inciting separatism and crude pressure on Ukraine that poses a threat to us - the Jews, as well as to the entire people of Ukraine, including the inhabitants of Crimea and southeastern Ukraine, and they will be convinced of this very quickly."[80]
An assessment of the information war against Ukraine on March 7, 2014, was given by Yevhen Marchuk, the former head of the Security Service of Ukraine, earlier - the prime minister, defence minister and secretary of the NSDC of Ukraine. He also pointed out the necessary measures of state bodies today to counter the information and military aggression of the Russian Federation.[81]
The Russian politician, and Putin opponent, Boris Nemtsov described the information war, which is the information support for the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, as a war of the Nazi regime against a democratic state: "The Nazis with Goebbels at their head can win the war. The fact that Ukraine has lost the information war is a fact. But the fact that you shouldn't worry too much about this is also a fact. You are not a Nazi state," the Russian oppositionist said.
Russian information attacks
On March 6, "1 + 1" and the fifth TV channels were turned off on the territory of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea. Earlier, the Russian TV channel "Russia 24" captured the air frequencies of the Crimean private "Chernomorskaya TV and Radio Company". The state television and radio company Krym in Simferopol was also blocked by people in camouflage uniforms without weapons. General Director of the TV and Radio Company Stepan Gulevaty called the police, but they did not respond to the call.[82]
On March 6, 2014, an Internet referendum was held on the ATR TV channel website, during which one could express one's opinion on the annexation of Crimea to the Russian Federation. Most of the people who took part in the vote were against.[83] Therefore, on March 7, the Russian military in Crimea disconnected the first Crimean Tatar TV channel ATR from the Internet. On the same day, they stopped the analogue broadcasting of the Ukrainian TV channel Inter, on the frequencies of which NTV is broadcast.[83]
Complete denial of the introduction of Russian troops
At meetings and in an interview, Putin for some time denied that the troops of the Russian Federation were brought into the territory of Ukraine. On 17 April,[when?] he recognized the presence of Russian troops in Crimea even before the referendum, which he described as "protecting" the Russian-speaking part of the population. Representatives of the population argued that they did not need protection.
Timeline
2014
With the beginning of the occupation and annexation of Crimea and Ukraine's resistance to the Russian aggression in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, the information policy of the Russian Federation became total military disinformation to demonize Ukrainian leadership in the eyes of the Russian and international communities.[84][85][86][87]
One attack in the information war was the claim of an unconstitutional coup in Ukraine. Russian media and politicians distorted the provisions of the Constitution of Ukraine, under which power in Ukraine belongs to the people and is exercised by them through their elected representatives.
The next was alleging that it was unconstitutional to remove Viktor Yanukovych from power and appoint Alexander Turchinov acting president. The Constitutional Court of Ukraine has the exclusive right to interpret the Constitution of Ukraine, not Russian politicians, and did not find the appointment unconstitutional.[citation needed]
- On the night of February 20–21, 2014, in Korsun-Shevchenkivskyi, Cherkasy Oblast, a bus convoy of anti-Maidan participants was stopped by Euromaidan activists and residents. They took the anti-Maidan activists off the buses, smashed the windows and burned several buses. Russian media came up with a story about seven anti-Maidan participants dying in the fight. On April 3, 2014, the occupying Crimean authorities made a statement about seven people dead and 30 missing as a result of an attack by Ukrainian activists on a convoy of anti-Maidan buses near Korsun. There were no casualties or missing in the episode, on the contrary, three Maidan activists who had been held hostage were released from the buses.[88][89][90] Putin said this story was the reason for the military operation in Crimea, and the killings of anti-Maidan activists near Korsun were later reflected in the Russian pseudo-documentary Crimea. The Way Home.
- On March 2, 2014, Russian media reported on the alleged shooting of Ukrainian saboteurs by the crowd and the House of Trade Unions[clarification needed] near the Crimean Cabinet in Simferopol. The masked saboteurs were armed with modern Russian weapons, including the latest GM-94 grenade launcher, and the "victims" of the attack were unharmed.[citation needed]
- On March 19, 2014, Russian media reported that a 17-year-old Lviv sniper who had fired in Simferopol the day before had been detained after killing APU serviceman Sergei Kokurin and a Russian mercenary. Information about the 17-year-old sniper was not further confirmed, but Igor Girkin later admitted that the responsibility for the shooting lay with his unit.
- On March 24, 2014, several media outlets reported that the deputy commander of the Kerch Marine Battalion, Alexei Nikiforov, had written a statement about joining the Russian army. However, Alexei went to the mainland and studied at a Ukrainian military university.[citation needed]
- On April 27, 2014, Russian media aired a story about "EU concentration camps in Ukraine."[citation needed]
- On April 28, 2014, the Russian news agency ITAR-TASS commented on the brutal attack by a pro-Russian mob at a Ukrainian peaceful march in Donetsk as "[Ukrainian] radicals attacked members of thousands of anti-fascist marches."[clarification needed][citation needed]
- In June 2014, after the capture of Nadezhda Savchenko, Russian TV channels, NTV and Channel 5 in particular, used an excerpt from an interview with Nastya Stanko from a soldier Vladimir Kosolap, a resident of Happiness[clarification needed] and a "Aidar" fighter. Russian media presented his words as a confession of a "punisher" from a barricading detachment, who was ordered to shoot anyone who did not want to kill "his fellow citizens" - members of pro-Russian armed groups. However, in the full video of June 16, 2014, Kosolap denied the misinformation of the Russian propaganda media LifeNews about alleged executions of the city's residents after its liberation by Ukrainian forces. He also said that if any of Aidar's fighters had such an opinion, Volodymyr[clarification needed] would have shot him with own his hand, which was the statement taken out of context by LifeNews.
- On July 15, 2014, the English-language Russian broadcaster Voice of Russia published an article in which pro-Russian militants attributed the killing of Pentecostals in Slovyansk to "Ukrainian nationalists," twisting Anton Gerashchenko's words.
- In late July-early August 2014, a video of Bohdan Butkevich was widely publicized, allegedly calling for the killing of 1.5 million Donbas residents.[91][92] The video is a rough snippet from his interview, which completely distorts the meaning of what was said.
2015
- On March 23, 2015, Russian resources spread the news about the alleged death of a 10-year-old girl from Ukrainian shelling in the Petrovsky district of Donetsk.[93] BBC correspondent Natalia Antelava went to Donetsk to find out the details, and discovered that the death story was Russian propaganda. The journalist asked Russian media about the girl's death, to which they replied that "she is not here anymore" and no one was killed. When asked why TV stories were published about it then, they answered that they were "forced".[94][95]
2016
- On December 12, 2016, the press centre of the Special Operations Forces of Ukraine reported that unofficial information resources appeared with symbols and photo materials of the Special Operations Forces of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, which may provide distorted official or unverified information.
- On December 13, 2016, Russian media preliminarily accused Ukraine of initiating gas theft.[citation needed]
- On December 22, 2016, American cybersecurity company CrowdStrike released a report according to which Russian hackers from the Fancy Bear group monitored the location of APU D-30 howitzers through an Android application written by Ukrainian gunner Yaroslav.[citation needed]
Staged videos
- On July 22, 2015, a Luhansk People's Republic news organization said that a warehouse of American weapons had been discovered during the excavation of debris near Luhansk airport. The video allegedly showed army boxes and an American Stinger MANPADS. Analysis of the video revealed that the Stinger demonstrated was a rough model of poor quality made of welded pipes, and the markings on it came from the video game Battlefield 3, including the identification number and an error in the text.[96][97] The fake was distributed by the Russian media, in particular by RIA Novosti and TV-Zvezda.[98][99]
- On the eve of the Dutch referendum on the signing of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement, on January 18, 2016, a video was circulated through Russian sources where Azov fighters allegedly burned the flag of the Netherlands. The video was exposed as a Russian forgery.[citation needed]
- On December 2, 2016, an attempt by the speakers of the DNR organization and the CyberBerkut group to accuse Ukraine of fighting ISIS militants on the side of the Azov Regiment was stopped. Materials released in January 2016 contained photos and video productions by pro-Russian militants, where armed men with ISIS and Azov symbols fired on industrial buildings.[100][101] The buildings were identified[who?] as the hangars of the Isolation mineral wool plant in Donetsk, which in 2011 were converted into an art space for the Isolation art project, and in June 2014 were seized by pro-Russian militants.[102][103]
- On July 23, 2018, a video spread through the Russian media alleged than a special unit of the SBU stormed the base of Ukrainian volunteers[clarification needed] using armoured personnel carriers. The video then showed an alleged beating of volunteers. As early as July 25, the video was exposed as fake: the SBU uniform had outdated elements and insignia; the armoured personnel carrier had white identification lines in a form that had not been used for a long time, as well as anti-accumulation grilles, which the SBU does not put on its equipment. Actors who played SBU special forces spoke with an accent, threw demonstrative phrases about hatred for Bandera members and unprofessionally imitated the beating with their feet.[104] On September 11, an armoured personnel carrier was filmed on video in Donetsk.[105][106] On September 20, the location of the staging assault was identified — the grounds of the abandoned Reaktiv chemical plant in occupied Donetsk.
- On August 16, 2018, a video of alleged brutal detention of a person at a Ukrainian checkpoint was published on an unknown YouTube channel.[clarification needed] The video immediately began to be distributed among the Russian occupation forces, in particular through the Lost Armor website. The Ukrainian militarist portal[clarification needed] published a revelation of falsification - the appearance of all Ukrainian checkpoints (Majorca, Marinka, Gnutovo, Stanitsa Luhanskaya, as well as Chengar and Kharkiv) was analyzed, and none of them looked like the video. There were few cars and practically no people, although 5000-10000people and 1000-2000 vehicles a day[citation needed] pass through the Ukrainian checkpoint.[clarification needed] Car numbers were also falsified in an attempt to discredit the SBU.[citation needed] "You are waiting at home" was the context in the words of the actors in the video.[107]
See also
References
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- ^ Why Russia loves banging on the 'fake news' drum, Nathan Hodge. CNN, February 4, 2022
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{{cite web}}
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