Darkness Shines (talk | contribs) |
Future Perfect at Sunrise (talk | contribs) →Aftermath: didn't mean to remove this bit |
||
(One intermediate revision by the same user not shown) | |||
Line 52: | Line 52: | ||
[[File:Woman raped and killed in the Bangladesh Liberation War.jpg|thumb|250px|A woman tortured and then killed during the war]] |
[[File:Woman raped and killed in the Bangladesh Liberation War.jpg|thumb|250px|A woman tortured and then killed during the war]] |
||
Estimates of those raped vary from 200,000{{sfn|Saikia|2011|p=157}} to 400,000.{{sfn|Riedel|2011|p=10}} [[Geoffrey Davis (doctor)|Dr. Geoffrey Davis]], a physician who worked in a victim relief programme in Bangladesh in the year following the war on request by the [[World Health Organization]] and [[International Planned Parenthood Federation]], estimated that commonly cited figures were probably "very conservative" compared with the real numbers.{{sfn|D'Costa|2010|BD24}} Davis has also said he heard of numerous suicides by victims, and of [[infanticide]]s during the course of his work and estimated that around 5,000 rape victims had performed [[self-induced abortion]]s |
Estimates of those raped vary from 200,000{{sfn|Saikia|2011|p=157}} to 400,000.{{sfn|Riedel|2011|p=10}} [[Geoffrey Davis (doctor)|Dr. Geoffrey Davis]], a physician who worked in a victim relief programme in Bangladesh in the year following the war on request by the [[World Health Organization]] and [[International Planned Parenthood Federation]], estimated that commonly cited figures were probably "very conservative" compared with the real numbers.{{sfn|D'Costa|2010|BD24}} Davis has also said he heard of numerous suicides by victims, and of [[infanticide]]s during the course of his work and estimated that around 5,000 rape victims had performed [[self-induced abortion]]s.{{sfn|Brownmiller|2007|p=92}} |
||
Many of the victims suffered from sexual infections and feelings of intense shame and humiliation, and a number were ostracised by their families and communities or committed suicide.{{sfn|Siddiqi|2008|p=202}}{{sfn|Debnath|2009|p=49}} A doctor at the rehabilitation center in Dhaka reported 170,000 abortions of pregnancies caused by the rapes, and the births of 30,000 [[War children|war babies]].{{sfn|Mohsin|2005|p=223}} |
Many of the victims suffered from sexual infections and feelings of intense shame and humiliation, and a number were ostracised by their families and communities or committed suicide.{{sfn|Siddiqi|2008|p=202}}{{sfn|Debnath|2009|p=49}} A doctor at the rehabilitation center in Dhaka reported 170,000 abortions of pregnancies caused by the rapes, and the births of 30,000 [[War children|war babies]].{{sfn|Mohsin|2005|p=223}} |
Revision as of 17:03, 14 August 2013
Part of a series on |
Violence against women |
---|
Killing |
Sexual assault and rape |
Disfigurement |
Other issues |
|
International legal framework |
Related topics |
During the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971, hundreds of thousands of women were raped by members of the Pakistani military and the militias supporting them.[1][2] Scholars and authors have discussed that systematic rape was used by the perpetrators to terrorise the Bengalis and Hindus, who were looked upon as inferior. The rapes resulted in thousands of pregnancies, abortions, war babies, infanticides, suicides and social ostracisation of the victims. The atrocities, recognised as one of the major incidents of rape during wartime,[3] ended after the Pakistani army was defeated due to the intervention of the Indian armed forces.[4][5]
Although India had been reluctant to officially invoke the protection of civilians as a reason for its military intervention,[6] it is today widely seen as a humanitarian move.[7] Despite the Pakistani government's attempts to censor reports during the conflict, news of atrocities came out, and caught international media and public attention. A 2009 report published by the War Crimes Fact Finding Committee of Bangladesh identified 1,597 people as having helped carry out the atrocities including rapes, and a commission was established to prosecute those accused. Since 2010 the International Crimes Tribunal has indicted, tried and sentenced several people to life imprisonment or death for their actions during the conflict.
Rape and other atrocities were also carried out by the Mukti Bahini ("Liberation Army"), the rebel militia raised by the independence movement, who targeted the Bihari ethnic group and those they believed to be assisting the Pakistani forces. There are several films, documentaries and books which recount the stories of the rape victims during the conflict.
Background
The Bengali people were the demographic majority in Pakistan after the Partition of India, making up an estimated 75 million in East Pakistan compared with 55 million in the predominately Punjabi-speaking West Pakistan.[8] The majority in the East were Muslims, with a large Hindu minority. The people of the East were looked upon as second-class citizens by the West, and Amir Abdullah Khan Niazi, who served as head of the Pakistani Forces in East Pakistan in 1971, referred to the region as a "low-lying land of low, lying people".[9]
In 1948, a few months after the creation of Pakistan, Governor-General Mohammad Ali Jinnah declared Urdu as the national language of the newly formed state,[10] although only 4 per cent of Pakistan's population spoke Urdu at that time.[11] He branded those who supported the use of Bengali as communists, traitors and enemies of the state.[12] The refusal by successive governments to recognise Bengali as the second national language led to the formation of the Bengali language movement and strengthened support for the newly formed Awami League which was founded in the East as an alternative to the ruling Muslim League.[13] A protest in Dhaka, the capital of East Pakistan, in 1952 was forcibly broken up, resulting in the deaths of several protesters. Bengali nationalists viewed those who had died as martyrs for their cause, and the violence led to calls for secession.[14] The Indo-Pakistani War of 1965 caused further grievances, as the military had assigned no extra units to the defence of the East.[15] This was a matter of concern to the Bengalis who saw their nation undefended in case of Indian attack during the conflict of 1965,[16][17] and that Ayub Khan, the dictator ruler of Pakistan, was willing to lose the East if it meant gaining Kashmir.[18]
In December 1970, the East Pakistan-based Awami League, headed by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, won a national majority in the first democratic general election since the creation of Pakistan. The West Pakistani establishment prevented them from forming a government.[19] Former president Yahya Khan banned the Awami League and declared martial law.[20]
On 25 March 1971, the Pakistan Army launched Operation Searchlight to maintain the rule of the West Pakistan-dominated military over East Pakistan and to curb a nascent Bengali nationalism,[21] indiscriminately killing Bengali civilians.[22] In the resultant civil conflict the Pakistan Army employed systematic violence against civilians, resulting in the deaths of up to 3 million, and creating up to 10 million refuges who fled to India, and displacing a further 30 million.[23] The methodical planning behind the genocide drew comparisons with the Nazi Holocaust.[24]
Pakistani Army actions
The attacks, led by General Tikka Khan, who was the architect of Operation Searchlight and was given the name the "butcher of Bengal" by the Bengalis for his actions, reportedly said—when reminded on 27 March 1971 that he was in charge of a majority province—"I will reduce this majority to a minority".[25] Khan is also reported to have given the order to "Shoot the Bengalis, loot their house and shops, burn their homes, rape their women" on 25 March 1971.[26]
Between the middle of May and September 1971, the Pakistani army dug in and remained in their strongholds, from which they conducted operations against villagers who may have helped the liberation movement. Genocide scholar Samuel Totten alleges elements of racism in the Pakistan army, who he says considered the Bengalis "racially inferior—a non-martial and physically weak race".[27] According to political scientist R J Rummel, the Pakistani army looked upon the Bengalis as "subhuman" and that the Hindus were "as Jews to the Nazis, scum and vermin that best be exterminated".[28] Totten has accused the army of using organised rape as a weapon of war.[29] In what has been described as a deliberate attempt to destroy an entire ethnic group, many of those assaulted were raped, murdered and then bayonetted in the genitalia.[30] Political scientist Adam Jones has said that one of the reasons for the mass rapes was to undermine Bengali society through the "dishonoring" of Bengali women and that some women were raped until they died or were killed following repeated attacks.[31] The Pakistani army also raped Bengali males, to erode their masculinity and categorise them as homosexual. The army would stop men at checkpoints to see if they were circumcised, and this is where the rapes usually happened.[32]
The perpetrators conducted nighttime raids, assaulting women in their villages,[33] often in front of their families, to "punish" and terrorise. Girls and women were also kidnapped and held in special camps where they were repeatedly raped and gang-raped. Many of those held in the camps were murdered or committed suicide.[34] Time magazine reported on 563 girls, who had been kidnapped and held in military brothels, all of them were between three and five months pregnant when the military began to release them.[35]
Journalist Liz Trotta reported in 1972 from a village suffering from the aftermath of the conflict. She interviewed a 16-year-old widow whose husband had been murdered in front of her before she was raped, making her pregnant.[36] The Pakistani government had tried to censor reports coming out of the region, but media reports on the atrocities did reach the public worldwide, and gave rise to widespread international public support for the liberation movement.[37]
Militias
According to political scientist Peter Tomsen, Pakistan's spy agency the Inter-Services Intelligence, in conjunction with the political party Jamaat-e-Islami formed militias such as Al-Badr ("the moon") and the Al-Shams ("the sun") to conduct operations against the nationalist movement.[38][39] Local collaborators known as Razakars also took part in the atrocities. The term has since become a pejorative akin to the western term "Judas".[40] These militias targeted noncombatants and committed rapes as well as other crimes.[41]
Members of the Muslim league such as Nizam-e-Islam, Jamaat-e-Islami and Jamiat Ulema Pakistan who had lost the election collaborated with the military and acted as an intelligence organisation for them.[42] Jamaat-e-Islami members and some of its leaders collaborated with the Pakistani forces in rapes and targeted killings.[43]
Mukti Bahini actions
The Mukti Bahini rebels targeted the minority Biharis who had given support to the West Pakistan regime. The Biharis were made refugees without a state; as of 2011 more than 250,000 still live in refugee camps.[44][45] Pakistani General Amir Abdullah Khan Niazi claimed that thousands of men and women had been killed or raped in Chittagong.[46] The Bihari faced a backlash over their support for the Pakistani regime, and as a result Bihari women were raped and tortured during the war and in its aftermath by Bengali males. The killing of 300 Biharis in Chittagong was used by the Pakistani government as a justification to launch their crackdown on the Bengali nationalist movement.[47][48]
International reaction
The events of the nine-month conflict are widely viewed as genocide.[49] The atrocities in East Pakistan were the first instances of war rape to attract international media attention,[50] and Sally J. Scholz has written that this was the first genocide to capture the interest of the mass media.[51] In an interview in 1972 Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi justified the use of military intervention, saying, "Shall we sit and watch their women get raped?"[52]
The atrocities by Al-Badr and the Al-Shams garnered worldwide attention from news agencies; accounts of massacres and rapes were widely reported.[39] The Nixon administration of US aligned with (West) Pakistan as part of its military strategy against communist expansion into the region, but American public support for the people of Bangladesh (East Pakistan) was increased by televised reports from the region.[53]
Owing to the scale of the atrocities, Archer Blood, the US Consul General in Dhaka, sent what became known as the Blood telegram, in which the signatories denounced American "complicity in Genocide".[54] The events were discussed extensively in the British House of Commons. John Stonehouse proposed a motion supported by a further 200 members of parliament condemning the atrocities being carried out by the Pakistani armed forces.[55] Although this motion was presented twice before parliament, the government did not find time to debate it.[56]
Before the end of the war the international community had begun to provide aid in large quantities to the refugees living in India. Although humanitarian aid was given, there was little support for the war crimes trials which Bangladesh proposed at the end of the war.[57] Critics of the United Nations have used the 1971 atrocities to argue that military intervention was the only thing to stop the mass murder.[58] On 1 August 1971 George Harrison and Ravi Shankar organised The Concert for Bangladesh in New York, which raised almost $240,000 for the refugees.[59] Writing to The New York Times, a group of women said in response to women being shunned by family and husbands "It is unthinkable that innocent wives whose lives were virtually destroyed by war are now being totally destroyed by their own husbands". International aid was also forthcoming owing to the issue of war rape.[60]
According to Brownmiller, mass rape during wartime is not a new phenomenon. She argues that what is unique to the Bangladesh Liberation War was that the international community, for the first time, recognised that systematic rape could be used as a weapon to terrorise the people.[61]
Aftermath
Estimates of those raped vary from 200,000[62] to 400,000.[63] Dr. Geoffrey Davis, a physician who worked in a victim relief programme in Bangladesh in the year following the war on request by the World Health Organization and International Planned Parenthood Federation, estimated that commonly cited figures were probably "very conservative" compared with the real numbers.[64] Davis has also said he heard of numerous suicides by victims, and of infanticides during the course of his work and estimated that around 5,000 rape victims had performed self-induced abortions.[65]
Many of the victims suffered from sexual infections and feelings of intense shame and humiliation, and a number were ostracised by their families and communities or committed suicide.[66][67] A doctor at the rehabilitation center in Dhaka reported 170,000 abortions of pregnancies caused by the rapes, and the births of 30,000 war babies.[68]
Estimates of the number of pregnancies range from 25,000[50] to the Bangladeshi government's figure of 70,000.[67] Feminist writer Cynthia Enloe has written that some of the pregnancies were intended by the soldiers and perhaps their officers as well.[69] A report from the International Commission of Jurists said, "Whatever the precise numbers, the teams of American and British surgeons carrying out abortions and the widespread government efforts to persuade people to accept these girls into the community, testify to the scale on which raping occurred".[70] The commission also said that Pakistani officers not only allowed their men to rape, but enslaved women themselves.[71]
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman called the victims birangona ("heroine"), but this only underscored the fact that these women were now deemed socially unacceptable as they were "dishonored",[72] and the term became associated with barangona ("prostitute").[73] The women's human rights organisation Bangladesh Mahila Parishat took part in the war by publicising the atrocities being carried out by the Pakistani army.[74]
War Crimes prosecutions
In 2009, after a 19-year investigation, the War Crimes Fact Finding Committee released documentation identifying 1,597 people who had taken part in the atrocities. The list included members of the Jamaat-e-Islami and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, a political group founded in 1978.[75] In 2010 the government of Bangladesh set up the ICT to investigate the atrocities of that era, but human rights advocates are of the opinion that the mass rapes and killings of women may not be addressed.[76] Human rights activist Irene Khan has said of her own government's reaction:
A conservative Muslim society has preferred to throw a veil of negligence and denial on the issue, allowed those who committed or colluded with gender violence to thrive, and left the women victims to struggle in anonymity and shame and without much state or community support.[76]
Jamaat-e-Islami Deputy Leader Delwar Hossain Sayeedi, the first person to face charges related to the conflict, has been indicted by the tribunal for twenty counts of war crimes, including murder, rape and arson. He has denied all charges.[77] On 28 February 2013, Sayeedi was found guilty of genocide, rape and religious persecution, and was sentenced to death by hanging.[78] Four other members of Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh, including Motiur Rahman Nizami, have also been indicted for war crimes.[77] Human Rights Watch has supported the tribunal,[79] and has been critical of reported harassment of lawyers representing the accused. Brad Adams, director of the Asia branch of Human Rights Watch, said that those accused must be given the full protection of the law or run the risk on the trials not being taken seriously.[79] Abul Kalam Azad was the first person to be sentenced for crimes during the war.[80] Muhammad Kamaruzzaman, senior assistant secretary general of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami faced 7 charges of war crimes including planning and advising of rape of the women of the village Shohaghpur on July 25, 1971.[81] The ICT sentenced him to death by hanging on 9 May 2013.[82] In July 2013 Ghulam Azam was given a ninety-year sentence for rape and mass killing during the conflict.[83]
Pakistani government reaction
After the conflict the Pakistani government decided on a policy of silence regarding the rapes.[62] They set up the Hamoodur Rahman Commission, a judicial commission to prepare an account of the circumstances surrounding the atrocities of the 1971 war and Pakistan's surrender. The commission was highly critical of the army.[84] The chiefs of staff of the army and the Pakistan Air Force were removed from their positions for attempting to interfere with the commission.[85] The report was compiled by Hamoodur Rahman, who interviewed politicians, officers and senior commanders. The final reports were submitted in July 1972. They were all destroyed except for one held by the Pakistani premier Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, and the findings were never made public.[86]
In 1974 the commission was reopened and issued a supplementary report, which remained classified for 25 years until published by the magazine India Today.[87] The report said that 26,000 people were killed, rapes numbered in the hundreds, and that the Mukti Bahini rebels engaged in widespread rape and other human rights abuses.[88] Political scientist Sumit Ganguly believes that the Pakistani establishment has yet to come to terms with the atrocities carried out, saying that, in a visit to Bangladesh in 2002, Pervez Musharraf expressed regret for the atrocities rather than accepting responsibility.[89]
In literature and media
Orunodoyer Ognishakhi (Pledge to a New Dawn), the first film about the war, was screened in 1972 on the first Bangladeshi Independence Day celebration.[90] It draws on the experiences of an actor called Altaf. While trying to reach safe haven in Calcutta he encounters women who have been raped. The images of these birangona, stripped and vacant-eyed from the trauma, are used as testimony to the assault. Other victims Altaf meets are shown committing suicide or having lost their minds.[91]
In 1995 Gita Sahgal produced the documentary War Crimes File, which was screened on Channel 4.[92]In 2011 the film Meherjaan was shown at the Guwahati International Film Festival. It explores the war from two perspectives: that of a woman who loved a Pakistani soldier and that of a person born from rape.[93]
In 1996 Nilima Ibrahim wrote Ami Birangana Bolchi (The Voices of War Heroines), a collection of eyewitness testimony from seven rape victims, which she documented while working for a rehabilitation center.[94]
Rising from the Ashes women's narratives of 1971 The is first translation to English, of the oral testimonies given by women who were not just abused, but women such as Taramon Bibi, who fought in the war and, was awarded the Bir Protik(Symbol of Valour) for her actions.[76]
References
- ^ Ghadbian 2002, p. 111. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFGhadbian2002 (help)
- ^ Mookherjee 2012, p. 68.
- ^ DeRouen 2007, p. 593.
- ^ Kabia 2008, p. 13.
- ^ Wheeler 2000, p. 13.
- ^ Weiss 2005, p. 183.
- ^ Lee 2011, p. 110.
- ^ Jones 2010, p. 340.
- ^ Jones 2010, pp. 227–228.
- ^ Thompson 2002, p. 42.
- ^ Shah 1997, p. 51.
- ^ Hossain 2006, p. 345.
- ^ Enskat 2004, p. 217.
- ^ Harder 2010, p. 351.
- ^ Haggett 2001, p. 2716.
- ^ Hagerty 2005, p. 31.
- ^ Midlarsky 2011, p. 257.
- ^ Riedel 2011, p. 9. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFRiedel2011 (help)
- ^ Roy 2010, p. 102. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFRoy2010 (help)
- ^ Sisson 1992, p. 141.
- ^ Southwick 2011, p. 119.
- ^ Heinze 2009, p. 79.
- ^ Totten 1998, p. 34.
- ^ Talbot 1998, p. 22.
- ^ Chalk 1990, p. 369.
- ^ Biśvāsa 2005, p. 52.
- ^ Totten 2008, p. 248.
- ^ Rummel 1997, p. 335.
- ^ Totten 2008, p. 250.
- ^ Arens 2008, p. 128.
- ^ Jones 2010, p. 343.
- ^ Mookhergee 2010, pp. 73–74.
- ^ Thomas 1998, p. 204.
- ^ Jahan 2004, p. 147–148.
- ^ Hadden 1971, p. 98.
- ^ Trotta 1972.
- ^ Dixit 2002, p. 183.
- ^ Schmid (Editor) 2011, p. 600.
- ^ a b Tomsen 2011, p. 240.
- ^ Mookherjee 2009, p. 49. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFMookherjee2009 (help)
- ^ Saikia 2011, p. 3. sfn error: multiple targets (4×): CITEREFSaikia2011 (help)
- ^ Ḥaqqānī 2005, p. 77.
- ^ Shehabuddin 2010, p. 93.
- ^ Saikia 2011, p. 41. sfn error: multiple targets (4×): CITEREFSaikia2011 (help)
- ^ Gerlach, p. 245.
- ^ Bennett Jones 2003, p. 171.
- ^ Gerlach, p. 152.
- ^ D'Costa 2010, p. 103. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFD'Costa2010 (help)
- ^ Simms 2011, p. 17.
- ^ a b Scholz 2006, p. 277.
- ^ Scholz 2011, p. 388.
- ^ Mookherjee 2006, p. 73. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFMookherjee2006 (help)
- ^ Mani 2012, p. 47. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFMani2012 (help)
- ^ Khondker 2006, p. 244.
- ^ Hansard 1971, p. 819.
- ^ Smith 2010, pp. 85–86.
- ^ Totten 2004, p. 150.
- ^ Ball 2011, p. 46.
- ^ Mani 2012, p. 269. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFMani2012 (help)
- ^ Schulz 2007, p. 89.
- ^ Totten, 2009 & p59.
- ^ a b Saikia 2011, p. 157. sfn error: multiple targets (4×): CITEREFSaikia2011 (help)
- ^ Riedel 2011, p. 10. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFRiedel2011 (help)
- ^ D'Costa, 2010 & BD24.
- ^ Brownmiller 2007, p. 92.
- ^ Siddiqi 2008, p. 202.
- ^ a b Debnath 2009, p. 49.
- ^ Mohsin 2005, p. 223.
- ^ Enloe 2000, p. 340.
- ^ Secretariat 1972, p. 40.
- ^ Ghadbian & 2002 112.
- ^ Nasreen 1998, p. 209.
- ^ Bradby 2010, p. 37.
- ^ Siddiqi & 20008, p. 202.
- ^ Alffram 2009, p. 11.
- ^ a b c RoyNYT 2010.
- ^ a b Huq 2011, p. 463.
- ^ Al Jazeera 2013.
- ^ a b Adams 2011. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFAdams2011 (help)
- ^ Mustafa, 2013 & BBC.
- ^ Correspondent 2013.
- ^ Ahmed, 2013 & BD23.
- ^ Sadique 2013, p. BBC.
- ^ Jones 2003, p. 266.
- ^ Malik 2010, p. 90.
- ^ Saikia 2011, p. 63. sfn error: multiple targets (4×): CITEREFSaikia2011 (help)
- ^ Wynbrandt 2009, p. 203.
- ^ Rahman, 2007 & pp41&29.
- ^ Ganguly 2010, p. 93.
- ^ Mookherjee 2009, pp. 48–49. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFMookherjee2009 (help)
- ^ Mookherjee 2006, p. 80. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFMookherjee2006 (help)
- ^ Sahgal 2011.
- ^ Reporter 2011.
- ^ Armbruster 2009, p. 78.
Bibliography
- Ghadbian, Najib (2002). Kent Worcester, Sally A. Bermanzohn, Mark Ungar (ed.). Violence and politics: globalization's paradox. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-93111-3.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)CS1 maint: multiple names: editors list (link)
- Mookherjee, Nayanika (2012). Raphaelle Branche, Fabrice Virgili (ed.). Rape in Wartime. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 68. ISBN 978-0-230-36399-1.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- DeRouen, Karl (2007). Karl DeRouen Jr. , Uk Heo (ed.). Civil Wars of the World (1st ed.). ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1-85109-919-1.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Kabia, John M. (2008). Humanitarian Intervention and Conflict Resolution in West Africa: From ECOMOG to ECOMIL. Ashgate. ISBN 978-0-7546-7444-3.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Wheeler, Nicholas J. (2000). Saving strangers: humanitarian intervention in international society. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-829621-8.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Weiss, Thomas George (2005). Military-Civilian Interactions: Humanitarian Crises And The Responsibility To Protect.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Jones, Adam (2010). Genocide: A Comprehensive Introduction. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 978-0-415-48618-7. Retrieved 25 July 2012.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Thompson, H R. (2007). Andrew Simpson (ed.). Language and national identity in Asia. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-926748-4.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Shah, Mehtab Ali (1997). The foreign policy of Pakistan: ethnic impacts on diplomacy, 1971–1994. I.B.Tauris. ISBN 978-1-86064-169-5.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Hossain, Tania; Tollefson, James W. (2006). "Language policy in education in Bangladesh". In Amy Tsui, James W. Tollefson (ed.). Language policy, culture, and identity in Asian contexts. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-8058-5693-4.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Enskat, Mike (2004). Political parties in South Asia. Praeger. ISBN 978-0-275-96832-8.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help); Unknown parameter|coauthors=
ignored (|author=
suggested) (help)
- Harder, Hans (2010). Werner Ende, Udo Steinbac (ed.). Islam in the world today: a handbook of politics, religion, culture, and society. Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0-8014-4571-2.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Haggett, Peter (2001). Encyclopedia of World Geography: The Indian subcontinent (2nd ed.). Marshall Cavendish. ISBN 978-0-7614-7289-6.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Hagerty, Devin T. (2005). Fearful Symmetry: India-pakistan Crises In The Shadow Of Nuclear Weapons. University of Washington Press. p. 31. ISBN 978-0-295-98635-7.
{{cite book}}
: Unknown parameter|coauthors=
ignored (|author=
suggested) (help)
- Midlarsky, Manus I. (2011). Origins of Political Extremism: Mass Violence in the Twentieth Century and Beyond. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-87708-4.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Riedel, Bruce O. (2011). Deadly Embrace: Pakistan, America, and the Future of the Global Jihad. Brookings Institution. ISBN 978-0-8157-0557-4.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Roy, Rituparna (2010). South Asian Partition Fiction in English: From Khushwant Singh to Amitav Ghosh (1st ed.). Amsterdam University Press. ISBN 978-90-8964-245-5.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Sisson, Richard (1992). War and Secession: Pakistan, India, and the Creation of Bangladesh. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-07665-5.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help); Unknown parameter|coauthors=
ignored (|author=
suggested) (help)
- Southwick, Katherine (2011). Brad K. Blitz, Maureen Jessica Lynch (ed.). Statelessness and Citizenship: A Comparative Study on the Benefits of Nationality. Edward Elgar Publishing. ISBN 978-1-78195-215-3.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Heinze, Eric (2009). Waging Humanitarian War. SUNY. ISBN 978-0-7914-7695-6.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Totten, Samuel (1998). Dictionary of Genocide: A-L. Volume 1: Greenwood. ISBN 978-0-313-32967-8.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help); Unknown parameter|coauthors=
ignored (|author=
suggested) (help)CS1 maint: location (link)
- Talbot, Ian (1998). Pakistan: A Modern History. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-312-21606-1.
{{cite book}}
:|access-date=
requires|url=
(help); Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Chalk, Frank (1990). The History and Sociology of Genocide: Analyses and Case Studies (3rd ed.). Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-04446-1.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help); Unknown parameter|coauthors=
ignored (|author=
suggested) (help)
- Biśvāsa, Sukumāra (2005). Bangladesh Liberation War, Mujibnagar Government Documents, 1971. University of Michigan: Mowla Brothers. ISBN 978-984-410-434-1.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Totten, Samuel (2008). William S. Parsons (ed.). Century of genocide: critical essays and eyewitness accounts (3rd ed.). Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-99084-4.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Rummel, R.J. (1997). Death by Government: Genocide and Mass Murder Since 1900. Transaction. ISBN 978-1-56000-927-6.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Arens, Jenneke (2010). Samuel Totten, Robert K. Hitchcock (ed.). Genocide of indigenous peoples. Transaction. ISBN 978-1-4128-1495-9.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Mookhergee, Nayanika (2012). Raphaelle Branche, Fabrice Virgili (ed.). Rape in Wartime. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-230-36399-1.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Thomas, Dorothy Q. (1998). Sabrina P. Ramet (ed.). Gender Politics in the Western Balkans: Women, Society and Politics in Yugoslavia and the Yugoslav Successor States. Pennsylvania State University. ISBN 978-0-271-01802-7.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help); Unknown parameter|coauthors=
ignored (|author=
suggested) (help)
- Jahan, R. (2004). Samuel Totten (ed.). Teaching about genocide: issues, approaches, and resources. Information Age Publishing. ISBN 978-1-59311-074-1.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Hadden, Briton; Henry Robinson Luce (1971). "Time Volume 98". Time.
{{cite news}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Trotta, Liz (20 February 1972). "Bangladesh Genocide: Rape Victims". NBC.
{{cite news}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Dixit, Jyotindra Nath (2002). India-Pakistan in war and peace. Routledge. p. 183. ISBN 978-0-415-30472-6.
- Schmid, Alex (2011). The Routledge Handbook of Terrorism Research. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-41157-8.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Tomsen, Peter (2011). Wars of Afghanistan. Public Affairs. ISBN 978-1-58648-763-8.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Mookherjee, Nayanika (2009). Sharika Thiranagama, Tobias Kelly (ed.). Traitors: Suspicion, Intimacy, and the Ethics of State-Building. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-0-8122-4213-3.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Saikia, Yasmin (2011). Women, War, and the Making of Bangladesh: Remembering 1971. Duke University Press. ISBN 978-0-8223-5038-5.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Ḥaqqānī, Ḥusain (2005). Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military. Carnegie. ISBN 978-0-87003-214-1.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Shehabuddin, Elora (2010). Ali Riaz, C. Christine Fair (ed.). Political Islam and Governance in Bangladesh. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-57673-4.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Saikia, Yasmin (2011). Women, War, and the Making of Bangladesh: Remembering 1971. Duke University Press. ISBN 978-0-8223-5038-5.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Gerlach, Christian (2010). Extremely Violent Societies: Mass Violence in the Twentieth-Century World (1st ed.). Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-70681-0.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Bennett Jones, Owen (2003). Pakistan: eye of the storm (2nd revised ed.). Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-10147-8.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Simms, Brendan (2011). Brendan Simms, D. J. B. Trim (ed.). Humanitarian Intervention: A History. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-19027-5.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- (Scholz, Sally J. (2006). Steven Lee (ed.). Intervention, terrorism, and torture: contemporary challenges to just war theory. Springer. ISBN 978-1-4020-4677-3.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Scholz, Sally J. (2011). Deen K. Chatterjee (ed.). Encyclopedia of Global Justice. Springer. ISBN 978-1-4020-9159-9.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Mookherjee, Nayanika (2006). Navnita Chadha Behera (ed.). Gender, conflict and migration. Sage. ISBN 978-0-7619-3455-4.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Mani, Bakirathi (2012). Aspiring to Home: South Asians in America. Stanford University Press. p. 47. ISBN 978-0-8047-7800-8.
- Khondker, Habibul Haque (2006). Vedi R. Hadiz (ed.). Empire And Neoliberalism in Asia (1st ed.). Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-39080-4.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- "Business of the House (Hansard, 17 June 1971)". 819. House of Commons. Retrieved 24 February 2012.
{{cite journal}}
: Cite journal requires|journal=
(help); Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Totten, Samuel (2004). Teaching About Genocide: Issues, Approaches, and Resources. Information Age Publishing. ISBN 978-1-59311-074-1.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Ball, Howard (2011). Genocide: A Reference Handbook. ABC Clio. ISBN 978-1-59884-488-7.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Mani, Bakirathi (2012). Aspiring to Home: South Asians in America. Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0-8047-7800-8.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Totten, Samuel (2009). Plight and Fate of Women During and Following Genocide. Transaction. ISBN 978-1-4128-0827-9.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Saikia, Yasmin (2011). Elizabeth D. Heineman (ed.). Sexual Violence in Conflict Zones: From the Ancient World to the Era of Human Rights. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-0-8122-4318-5.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Riedel, Bruce O. (2011). Deadly embrace: Pakistan, America, and the future of the global jihad. Brookings Institution. ISBN 978-0-8157-0557-4.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Brownmiller, Susan (2007). William F. Schulz (ed.). The Phenomenon of Torture: Readings and Commentary (Annotated ed.). University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-0-8122-1982-1.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Mannan, Abdul (December 2009). "People in people's war". Daily Star.
{{cite news}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Siddiqi, Dina M. (2008). Bonnie G. Smith (ed.). Oxford Encyclopedia of Women in World History (Volume 1 ed.). Oxford University Press. p. 202. ISBN 978-0-19-514890-9.
- Mohsin, Amena (2005). Samir Kumar Das (ed.). Peace processes and peace accords. Sage. ISBN 978-0-7619-3391-5.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Debnath, Angela (2009). Samuel Totten (ed.). Plight and fate of women during and following genocide (7th ed.). Transaction. ISBN 978-1-4128-0827-9.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Enloe, Cynthia H. (2000). Maneuvers: the international politics of militarizing women's lives. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-22071-3.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Secretariat, The (1972). The events in East Pakistan, 1971: a legal study. International Commission of Jurists.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Ghadbian, Najib (2002). Kent Worcester, Sally A. Bermanzohn, Mark Ungar (ed.). Violence and politics: globalization's paradox. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-93111-3.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)CS1 maint: multiple names: editors list (link)
- Nasreen, Taslima (1998). Herbert L. Bodman, Nayereh E. Tohidi (ed.). Women in Muslim societies: diversity within unity. Lynne Rienner. ISBN 978-1-55587-578-7.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Bradby, Hannah (2010). Global Perspectives on War, Gender and Health. Ashgate. p. 37. ISBN 978-0-7546-7523-5.
{{cite book}}
: Unknown parameter|coauthors=
ignored (|author=
suggested) (help)
- Alffram, Henrik (2009). Ignoring executions and torture: impunity for Bangladesh's security forces. Human Rights Watch. ISBN 1-56432-483-4.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Roy, Nilanjana S. (24 August 2010). "Bangladesh War's Toll on Women Still Undiscussed". New York Times.
{{cite news}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Huq, M. Zahurul (2011). Michael N. Schmitt, Louise Arimatsu, T. McCormack (ed.). Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law - 2010: 13. Springer. ISBN 978-90-6704-810-1.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)CS1 maint: multiple names: editors list (link)
- Jazeera, Al (28 February 2013). "Bangladesh Jamaat leader sentenced to death". Al Jazeera.
{{cite news}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Adams, Brad (18 May 2011). "Letter to the Bangladesh Prime Minister regarding the International Crimes (Tribunals) Act". Human Rights Watch.
{{cite news}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Adams, Brad (2 November 2011). "Bangladesh: Stop Harassment of Defense at War Tribunal". Thomson Reuters Foundation.
{{cite news}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Mustafa, Sabir (21 January 2013). "Bangladesh's watershed war crimes moment". British Broadcasting Corporation.
{{cite news}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Correspondent, Staff (9 May 2013). "Kamaruzzaman: The Charges". BD News 24.
{{cite news}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Tanim Ahmed; Quazi Shahreen Haq; Suliman Niloy; Golam Muztaba Dhrubo (9 May 2013). "Kamaruzzaman to hang". BD News 24.
- Sadique, Mahfuz (15 July 2013). "Bangladesh Islamist Ghulam Azam found guilty of war crimes". British Broadcasting Corporation.
{{cite news}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Jones, Owen Bennett (2003). Pakistan: eye of the storm. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-10147-8.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Malik, Anas (2010). Political survival in Pakistan: beyond ideology. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-77924-1.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Saikia, Yasmin (2011). Women, War, and the Making of Bangladesh: Remembering 1971. Duke University Press. ISBN 978-0-8223-5038-5.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Wynbrandt, James (2009). A Brief History of Pakistan (1st ed.). Facts on File. ISBN 978-0-8160-6184-6.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Rahman, Hamoodur (2007). Hamoodur Rahman Commission of Inquiry into the 1971 India-Pakistan War, Supplementary Report. Arc Manor. ISBN 978-1-60450-020-2.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Ganguly, Sumit (2010). Jacques Bertrand, André Laliberté (ed.). Multination States in Asia: Accommodation Or Resistance. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-14363-9.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Mookherjee, Nayanika (2009). Sharika Thiranagama, Tobias Kelly (ed.). Traitors: suspicion, intimacy, and the ethics of state-building. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-0-8122-4213-3.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Mookherjee, Nayanika (2006). Navnita Chadha Behera (ed.). Gender, conflict and migration. Sage. ISBN 978-0-7619-3455-4.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Sahgal, Gita (18 December 2011). "Dead Reckoning: Disappearing stories and evidence". The Daily Star.
{{cite news}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Reporter, Staff (10 February 2011). "Bangla movie Meherjan to be screened today". Assam Tribune.
{{cite news}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Armbruster, Heidi (2009). Taking Sides: Ethics, Politics, and Fieldwork in Anthropology. Berghahn. ISBN 978-1-84545-701-3.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help); Unknown parameter|coauthors=
ignored (|author=
suggested) (help)
- D'Costa, Bina (15 December 2010). "1971: Rape and its consequences". bdnews24.com. Retrieved 22 July 2012.
{{cite web}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Lee, Steven P. (2011). Ethics and War: An Introduction. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-72757-0.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- Smith, Karen E. (2010). Genocide and the Europeans. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-13329-6.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)