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{{Short description|Academic discipline concerning the norms, behaviors and entertainment artifacts of a society}} |
{{Short description|Academic discipline concerning the norms, behaviors and entertainment artifacts of a society}} |
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{{More footnotes needed|date=May 2022}} |
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'''Popular culture studies''' is the study of [[popular culture]] from a [[critical theory]] perspective combining [[communication studies]] and [[cultural studies]]. The first institution to offer bachelor's and master's degrees in Popular Culture is the [[Bowling Green State University Department of Popular Culture]] founded by [[Ray B. Browne]].<ref name="raybrowne">{{cite web | url=https://www.nytimes.com/2009/10/28/education/28browne.html?_r=0 | title=Ray Browne, 87, Founder of Pop-Culture Studies, Dies | work=[[New York Times]] | date=27 October 2009 | access-date=12 March 2014 | author=Fox, Margalit}}</ref> |
'''Popular culture studies''' is the study of [[popular culture]] from a [[critical theory]] perspective combining [[communication studies]] and [[cultural studies]]. The first institution to offer bachelor's and master's degrees in Popular Culture is the [[Bowling Green State University Department of Popular Culture]] founded by [[Ray B. Browne]].<ref name="raybrowne">{{cite web | url=https://www.nytimes.com/2009/10/28/education/28browne.html?_r=0 | title=Ray Browne, 87, Founder of Pop-Culture Studies, Dies | work=[[New York Times]] | date=27 October 2009 | access-date=12 March 2014 | author=Fox, Margalit}}</ref> |
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Following the work of the [[Frankfurt School]], popular culture is taken as a terrain of academic inquiry and has helped change the outlooks of more established disciplines. It broke down conceptual barriers between so-called [[high culture|high]] and [[low culture]] which led to people's escalated interest in popular culture and encompasses diverse media as [[comic books]], [[television]], and the [[Internet]]. Divisions between high and low culture have been increasingly seen as political distinctions rather than as defensible aesthetic or intellectual ones.<ref>Mukerji & Schudson 1991:1-2</ref> |
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==Traditional theories of popular culture== |
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===The theory of mass society=== |
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[[Mass society]] formed during the 19th-century [[industrialization]] process through the [[division of labor]], the large-scale industrial organization, the concentration of urban populations, the growing centralization of decision making, the development of a complex and international communication system and the growth of mass political movements. The term "mass society", therefore, was introduced by [[anticapitalism|anticapitalist]], aristocratic ideologists and used against the values and practices of industrialized society. Theories of popular culture are often subjected to bias and originate from a generalist perspective. |
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As [[Alan Swingewood]] points out in ''The Myth of Mass Culture'',<ref>Swingewood 1977:5-8</ref> the aristocratic theory of mass society is to be linked to the moral crisis caused by the weakening of traditional centers of authority such as family and religion. The society predicted by [[José Ortega y Gasset]], [[T. S. Eliot]] and others would be dominated by philistine masses, without centers or hierarchies of moral or cultural authority. In such a society, art can only survive by cutting its links with the masses, by withdrawing as an asylum for threatened values. Throughout the 20th century, this type of theory has modulated on the opposition between disinterested, pure autonomous art and commercialized mass culture. |
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===The theory of culture industry=== |
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Diametrically opposed to the aristocratic view would be the theory of [[culture industry]] developed by [[Frankfurt School]] [[critical theorists]] such as [[Theodor W. Adorno]], [[Max Horkheimer]] and [[Herbert Marcuse]]. In their view, the masses are precisely dominated by an all-encompassing culture industry obeying only to the logic of [[consumer capitalism]].{{Citation needed|date=July 2008}} [[Antonio Gramsci]]'s concept of hegemony (see: [[cultural hegemony]]), that is, the domination of society by a specific group which stays in power by partially taking care of and partially repressing the claims of other groups, does not work here anymore. The principle of hegemony as a goal to achieve for an oppressed [[social class]] loses its meaning. The system has taken over; only the state apparatus dominates. |
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===The theory of progressive evolution=== |
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A third view on popular culture, which fits in the liberal-pluralist ideology and is often called "progressive evolutionism", is overtly optimistic. It sees capitalist economy as creating opportunities for every individual to participate in a culture which is fully democratized through mass education, expansion of leisure time and cheap records and paperbacks. As Swingewood points out in ''The Myth of Mass Culture'',<ref>Swingewood 1977:22</ref> there is no question of domination here anymore. In this view, popular culture does not threaten [[high culture]], but is regarded by Swingewood as an authentic expression of the needs of the people. |
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==Contemporary popular culture studies== |
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Aside from precursors such as [[Umberto Eco]] and [[Roland Barthes]], popular culture studies as we know them today were developed in the late seventies and the eighties. The first influential works were generally politically left-wing and rejected the "aristocratic" view. However, they also criticized the pessimism of the Frankfurt School: contemporary studies on mass culture accept that, apparently, popular culture forms may respond to widespread needs of the public. They also proposed that consumers may be able to resist indoctrination and passive reception. Finally, they avoided a concept of mass culture that may regarded by some as "monolithic". Instead, they tried to describe culture as a whole as a complex formation of [[discourse]]s which correspond to particular interests, and which can be dominated by specific groups, but which also always are dialectically related to their producers and consumers.{{citation needed|date=June 2021}} |
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An example of this tendency is Andrew Ross's ''No Respect. Intellectuals and Popular Culture'' (1989). His chapter on the history of jazz, blues and rock does not present a linear narrative opposing the authentic [[popular music]] to the commercial record industry, but shows how popular music in the U.S., from the twenties until today, evolved out of complex interactions between [[Popular culture|popular]], [[avant-garde]] and [[commerce|commercial]] circuits, between lower- and middle-class youth, between [[African American|blacks]] and [[whites]]. |
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===Traces of the theory of culture industry=== |
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{{Cleanup|section|date=July 2010}} |
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Still the traditional views have a long life.<ref>overview based on Clem Robyns, 1991</ref> The theory which has been abandoned is the "monolithic", [[Cultural pessimism|pessimistic]] view on the culture industry of the [[Frankfurt School]].{{Citation needed|date=July 2010}}{{Dubious|date=July 2010}} However, it is still hotly debated. The criticism raised can be summarized in three main arguments. First of all, the culture industry theory has completely abandoned the [[Marxist]] [[dialectic]] conception of society. Every impulse, according to this view, comes from above. Resistance and contradiction are impossible, and the audience is manipulated into passivity. Alan Swingewood and others emphasize that the Frankfurt theory has to be seen in the light of left-wing frustrations about the failure of proletarian revolutions early this century, and the easy submission of the European nations to [[fascism]]. |
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A second reproach is that this view may be as "elitist" as its aristocratic counterpart. Both establish the lonely, autonomous, avant-garde intellectual as the only light in a zombie society. Thus the former Marxists arrive at an uncritical praise of high culture.{{citation needed|date=June 2021}} This brings us to a third argument, already made in the sixties by [[Umberto Eco]].<ref>Eco 1988</ref> In a state-dominated mass society, the lonely, lucid, intellectual [[Übermensch]] can only retreat in his "ivory tower". The historicity of the contemporary situation is not taken into account, so its internal contradictions are ignored, and thus revolution can only be seen as purely utopian. The culture industry theory, therefore, would lead to passivity and thereby becomes an objective ally of the system it pretends to criticize. |
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It is of course mainly the influence exercised by the Frankfurt School which matters here: not all of their texts present the same rigid view. In ''Das Schema der Massenkultur'',<ref>Adorno 1973-1986:331</ref> for instance, Adorno discusses a "nucleus of individuality" that the culture industry cannot manipulate, and which forces him to continuously repeat his manipulation. |
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However questioned this view on popular culture may be, it is still influential. For instance, in theories depicting [[narrative]] as necessarily ideologically conservative, like Charles Grivel's ''Production de l'intérêt romanesque''.<ref>Grivel 1973</ref> Such theories see dominant ideology as purely a matter of messages, propagated in this case through the forms of narrative fiction. Thus they easily arrive at an exaltation of experimental literature as necessarily revolutionary. |
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Other theories easily yielding to "monolithic" thought stem from the emancipation movements of oppressed groups.{{Citation needed|date=May 2020}}{{Dubious|date=May 2020}} Early [[feminist theory]], for instance, often described society as universally and transhistorically dominated by patriarchy in every aspect of life, thereby presenting a pejorative view of the women they claim to defend. As Andrew Ross<ref>Ross 1989</ref> argues, the same remark goes for the widely accepted account of rock history as a continuous appropriation of [[Afro-American music|black music]] by a white [[music industry]]. Only studies analyzing the cultural oppression of homosexuality seem to take a less deterministic position.{{Citation needed|date=May 2020}}{{Dubious|date=May 2020}} |
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Writing in the New Yorker in 2014, music critic [[Alex Ross (music critic)|Alex Ross]], argued that Adorno's work has a renewed importance in the digital age: "The pop hegemony is all but complete, its superstars dominating the media and wielding the economic might of tycoons...Culture appears more monolithic than ever, with a few gigantic corporations—Google, Apple, Facebook, Amazon—presiding over unprecedented monopolies."<ref>{{Cite magazine|url=https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2014/09/15/naysayers|title = The Naysayers|magazine = [[The New Yorker]]|date = 8 September 2014}}</ref> |
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Scholar [[Jack Zipes]] critiqued the mass commercialisation and corporate hegemony behind the [[Harry Potter]] franchise. He argued that the commodities of the culture industry are “popular” because they are homogenous and obey standard conventions; the media then influences the tastes of children. In his analysis of Harry Potter’s global brand, Zipes wrote, “It must conform to the standards of exception set by the mass media and promoted by the culture industry in general. To be a phenomenon means that a person or commodity must conform to the hegemonic groups that determine what makes up a phenomenon ”.<ref>Zipes, J. (2002). ''Sticks and Stones: The Troublesome Success of Children's Literature from Slovenly Peter to Harry Potter.'' Page 175</ref> |
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===Contemporary liberal pluralism=== |
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In liberal-pluralist accounts of popular culture, the theorizing on its supposedly liberating, democratizing function is nowadays most often pushed to the background. This type of criticism, often produced by people who are also active in popular literary writing themselves, often amounts to paraphrase and suffers from an uncritical identification with the study object.{{citation needed|date=June 2021}} One of the main aims of this type of criticism is the establishment of ahistorical [[wiktionary:canon|canon]]s of and within popular genres in the image of legitimized culture. This approach, however, has been accused of [[elitism]] as well. |
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To put it simply: the [[intellectual]], in this view, can fully enjoy junk culture because of his or her high culture background, but the average reader can never raise to the learned intellectual discourse of which he or she is the object. An example of this form of appropriation is Thomas Roberts's ''An Aesthetics of Junk Fiction'' (1990). Though Roberts claims to take a distance from studies of canonical fiction, he justifies his (implicit) decision to impose canonical models on [[popular fiction]] as follows: "If people who read [[Goethe]] and [[Alessandro Manzoni]] and [[Pushkin]] with pleasure are also reading [[detective fiction]] with pleasure, there is more in the detective story than its critics have recognized, perhaps more than even its writers and readers have recognized",<ref>Roberts 1989:5</ref> This illustrates a frequent strategy: the legitimation of popular fiction on the basis of its use of canonized [[literary fiction]], and of the legitimized response of certain members of the public to it. |
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If we consider all the views depicted in the present article as instances of both the thesis and the antithesis of an argument, it is a less known scholar, [[Blanca de Lizaur]] who manages to finally produce the synthesis. In the sociological line of Mims and Lerner, she sees Literature as a ''necessary'' social institution -id est: fulfilling an essential social need: That of explaining, justifying and promoting its society's world-view, values, ideas and beliefs, through depicting them "in action" in lyrics and narratives from which we all learn. Not only this: The expression of the feelings that may be expected to accompany depicted actions and events, also constitutes a fundamental part of its social role, as we naturally expect Literature to constructively account for, inform, modulate and educate our feelings. Hence why Literature is present in every human culture, all along history. |
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Because of its fundamental role and our need for it, literature will always find its way to, and adapt to the latest technologies and to the furthest reaching distribution channels available. It is also because of this reason that works that may be regarded as representing their audiences' values, ideas and beliefs, and attain commercial success, will at the same time become the subject of unsurmountable pressures -...losing success once power actors manage to substitute their society's message for their own.{{citation needed|date=June 2021}} |
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De Lizaur, emerging from the field of Literary Studies, also developed a full literary theory that accounts for popular works' aesthetics, strategies, resources, genres, and meaningful criticism, as opposed to a criticism that may reject it. |
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Certain postmodern theorists, however, proposed more pessimistic interpretations about capitalist popular culture. According to the postmodern sociologist [[Baudrillard]], the individual is trained into the duty of seeking the relentless maximisation of pleasure lest he or she become asocial.<ref>Baudrillard. J. (1998). The Consumer Society: Myths and Structures. Page 80</ref> Therefore, “enjoyment” and “fun” become indistinguishable from the need to consume. Whereas the Frankfurt School believed consumers were passive, Baudrillard argued that consumers were trained to consume products in a form of active labour in order to achieve upward social mobility.<ref>Baudrillard. J. (1998). The Consumer Society: Myths and Structures. Page 110</ref> Thus, consumers under capitalism are trained to purchase products such as pop albums and consumable fiction in order to signal their devotion to social trends, fashions and subcultures. Although the consumption may arise from an active choice, the choice is still the consequence of a social conditioning which the individual is unconscious of. Baudrillard says, “One is permanently governed by a code whose rules and meaning-constraints — like those of language — are, for the most part, beyond the grasp of individuals”.<ref>Baudrillard. J. (1998). The Consumer Society: Myths and Structures. Page 61</ref> |
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===Contemporary thought=== |
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[[Image:MarshallMcLuhan.png|thumb|205px|right|[[Marshall McLuhan]] caused wide irritation with his statement that the traditional, book-oriented intellectuals had become irrelevant for the formulation of cultural rules in the [[electronic age]].{{citation needed|date=June 2021}}]] |
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Equally alive is the aristocratic apocalyptic view on mass culture as the destruction of genuine art. As Andrew Ross<ref>Ross 1989:5</ref> writes, a history of popular culture is also a history of intellectuals, of cultural experts whose self-assigned task it is to define the borders between the popular and the legitimate. But in contemporary society the dispersed authority is ever more exercised by "technical" intellectuals working for specific purposes and not for mankind. And in the academic world, growing attention for Western "popular culture" and marginal cultures threatens the absolute values on which intellectuals have built their autonomy.{{citation needed|date=June 2021}} |
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In the sixties, [[Marshall McLuhan]] caused wide irritation with his statement that the traditional, book-oriented intellectuals had become irrelevant for the formulation of cultural rules in the electronic age. This is not to say that they lost any real political power, which humanist intellectuals as such hardly ever had. It does mean, however, that they are losing control of their own field, the field of art, of restricted symbolical production ([[Pierre Bourdieu]]). While in the 19th century, intellectuals managed to construct art as a proper, closed domain in which only the in-crowd was allowed to judge, they have seen this autonomy become ever more threatened by 20th-century mass society. The main factor here was not the quantitative expansion of consumption culture, nor the intrusion of commerce into the field of art through the appearance of paperbacks and [[Book sales club|book clubs]]. After all, protecting art from simplicity and commerce was precisely the task intellectuals set for themselves.{{citation needed|date=June 2021}} |
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More important is the disappearance of what has been called the [[Metanarrative|"grand narratives"]] during this century, the questioning of all-encompassing world views offering coherent interpretations of the world and unequivocal guides for action. As Jim Collins argues in Uncommon Cultures,<ref>Collins 1989:2</ref> there is no master's voice anymore, but only a decentralized assemblage of conflicting voices and institutions. The growing awareness of the historical and cultural variability of moral categories had to be a problem for an intellectual class which had based its position on the defense of secular but transhistorical values. |
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This brings us to a second problem humanist intellectuals face, that is, the fragmentation of the public. 19th-century intellectuals could still tell themselves that they were either writing for their colleagues, or teaching the undifferentiated masses.{{citation needed|date=June 2021}} 20th-century intellectuals face a heterogeneous whole of groups and media producing their own discourses according to their own logic and interests. Thus they cannot control the reception of their own messages anymore, and thereby see their influence on the structuring of culture threatened. Many neo-apocalyptic intellectuals, such as [[Alain Finkielkraut]] and [[George Steiner]], emphasize their concern about the growing "illiteracy" of the masses.{{citation needed|date=June 2021}} In practice they seem to be mainly concerned with high culture illiteracy, the inability to appreciate difficult art and literary classics. |
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The neo-aristocratic defense of so-called transhistorical and universal human values may also often be linked to a conservative political project. A return to universal values implies the delegitimation of any group which does not conform to those values.{{Citation needed|date=May 2020}} It is no coincidence, therefore, that attempts in the United States to define a common "American cultural legacy" tend to neglect the cultures of ethnic minority groups.{{Citation needed|date=May 2020}} Or that the fight against [[franglais]] (French "contaminated" by American English) in France was mainly fought by intellectuals seeing their traditional position in French society threatened by the import of American cultural products, as Clem Robyns<ref>Robyns 1995</ref> describes. |
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==Recurring issues in popular culture studies== |
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===The interactions between popular and legitimized culture=== |
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The blurring of the boundaries between [[high culture|high]] and [[low culture]] is one of the main complaints made by traditional intellectuals about contemporary mass society.<ref>Browning, John Edgar. “Horror and the Gothic’s utility as a cultural resource and critical tool.” ''Palgrave Communications'' 4 (2018): 1-4. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-018-0092-x.</ref> There are a number of sociological studies on literary institutions which are held responsible for this mix.{{Citation needed|date=July 2008}} Among the first were commercial [[Book sales club|book clubs]], such as the [[Book of the Month Club|Book-of-the-Month-Club]], appearing from the twenties on. The aggressive reactions they provoked are described by [[Janice Radway]]<ref>Radway 1989</ref> in "The Scandal of the Middlebrow". According to Radway, the book clubs were perceived as scandalous because they blurred some basic distinctions of cultural discourse. In a society haunted by the spectre of cultural standardization and leveling towards below, they dared to put "serious" fiction on the same level as detective stories, adventure stories, biographies and popular nonfiction. Book clubs were scandalous because they created a space where high and low could meet. |
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Soon, the term "[[middlebrow]]" was introduced to qualify this phenomenon and to dismiss it as a threat to the authenticity of both high and popular culture. After the book clubs came the mass-production of the [[paperback]] format, and its influence was even more wide-ranging. More about this can be found in Thomas Bonn's book.<ref>Bonn 1989</ref> It shows through what elaborate strategies the respectable hardcover editors had to go in order to hide the fact that, from the sixties on, paperback publishers had taken over the control on the production of serious literature. |
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===The possibility of a "subversive" popular culture=== |
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The question whether popular culture or mass culture is inherently conservative, or whether it can be used in a [[Subversion (political)|subversive]] strategy as well,<ref>Browning 2018: 3</ref> is equally hotly debated. It is accepted by some that popular culture forms can function at any moment as anti-cultures. [[taste (aesthetics)|"Bad taste"]] products such as [[pornography]] and [[horror fiction]], says for instance Andrew Ross,<ref>Ross 1989:231</ref> draw their popular appeal precisely from their expressions of disrespect for the imposed lessons of educated taste. They are expressions of social resentment on the part of groups which have been subordinated and excluded by today's "civilized society". |
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The question whether popular culture can actually resist dominant ideology, or even contribute to social change, is much more difficult to answer. Many critics easily read popular fiction and film as "attacks against the system", neglecting both the exact ways in which the so-called revolutionary message is enacted, and the capacities of dominant doctrines to recuperate critical messages. [[Tania Modleski]] in "The Terror of Pleasure",<ref>Modleski 1986:159</ref> for instance, presents [[Exploitation film|exploitation horror films]] as attacks on the basic aspects of bourgeois culture. Thus a loving father cannibalizes his child, and priests turn into servants of the devil. Other scholars<ref>e.g. Clem Robyns 1991</ref> claim that, by presenting their [[perversion]] as supernatural, or at least pathological, [[horror film]]s precisely contribute to perpetuating those institutions. |
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Similarly, many critics exalt stories which feature a lone hero fighting for his ideals against an inert and amoral system. Thus Jim Collins in ''Uncommon Cultures''<ref>Collins 1989:30-31</ref> sees [[crime fiction]] opposing a smart private detective and an inefficient police force as a critique of state justice. On the other hand, Thomas Roberts demonstrates in ''An Aesthetics of Junk Fiction'',<ref>Roberts 1990:173-174</ref> a study of the historical background of the private detective model, how the detective story came into existence in the middle of the 19th century, at the time the institution of state police was developed. This force consisted mainly of lower-class people, but nevertheless disposed of a certain authority over the upper class. The fears among the upper classes for this uncontrolled force were eased by domesticating the police in stories explicitly devoted to them. Their inability to pass on correct judgment was amply demonstrated, and forced them to bow for the individual intellect of the detective, who always belonged to the threatened upper class. |
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Finally, Umberto Eco's studies on [[Superman]] and [[James Bond]]<ref>Eco 1988:211-256, 315-362</ref> as myths of a static good-and-evil world view should be mentioned as very early and lucid examples of a combination of [[semiotic]] and political analysis. |
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Still, there may be ways to wage revolt in an age of [[mass media]]. One way could be to introduce small gradual changes in products otherwise conforming to the requirements of a dominant ideology. {{Citation needed|date=May 2020}}{{Dubious|date=May 2020}}The problem here, of course, is that isolated messages get drowned in the discourse as a whole, and that they can be used to avoid real changes. Some scholars, however, describe how opposition forces use the logic of the media to subvert them. In ''No Respect'',<ref>Ross 1989:123</ref> Andrew Ross mentions the late sixties [[Yippie]] movement. Yippies would stage media events, such as the public burning of dollar bills in [[Wall Street]], thereby drawing heavy media coverage. This politics of the spectacle brought the [[counterculture]] right into the conservative media and filled their forms with subversive content. |
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Whether this strategy is effective or not, it points to the possible idea that the mass media are not above, but dependent on the public. As Alan Swingewood states in ''The Myth of Mass Culture'',<ref>Swingewood 1977:84</ref> the ideological messages the mass media receive are already mediated by a complex network of institutions and discourses. The media, themselves divided over innumerable specific discourses, transform them again. And finally the public meaningfully relates those messages to individual existences through the mediation of social groups, family networks, etc., which they belong to. |
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In Baudrillard's understanding, the products of capitalist popular culture can only give the illusion of rebellion, since they are still complicit in a system controlled by the powerful. Baudrillard stated in an interview: |
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"The Matrix paints the picture of a monopolistic superpower, like we see today, and then collaborates in its refraction. Basically, its dissemination on a world scale is complicit with the film itself. On this point it is worth recalling Marshall McLuhan: the medium is the message. The message of The Matrix is its own diffusion by an uncontrollable and proliferating contamination."<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://baudrillardstudies.ubishops.ca/the-matrix-decoded-le-nouvel-observateur-interview-with-jean-baudrillard/|title = The Matrix Decoded: Le Nouvel Observateur Interview with Jean Baudrillard}}</ref> |
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==See also== |
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{{Columns-list|colwidth=22em| |
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*[[Popular culture]] |
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*[[Communication studies]] |
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*[[Cultural studies]] |
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*[[Mass society]] |
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*[[Middlebrow]] |
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*[[High culture]] |
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*[[Low culture]] |
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*[[Semiotics of culture]] |
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*[[Utopian and dystopian fiction]] |
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*[[Dystopia]] |
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*[[Apocalyptic and post-apocalyptic fiction]] |
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}} |
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==References== |
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===Notes=== |
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{{Reflist|2}} |
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===Bibliography=== |
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*Theodor W. Adorno, 1973-1986: ''Gesammelte Schriften'', Frankfurt a. M.: Suhrkamp. |
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*Houston Baker, 1989: "Handling Crisis", paper read at the Symposium Cultural Literacy in the Media Age: The Clash of Values, at the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, August 1989. |
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*Roland Barthes, 1957: ''Mythologies'', Paris: Editions du Seuil. |
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*Thomas L. Bonn, 1989: ''Heavy Traffic and High Culture. New American Library as Literary Gatekeeper in the Paperback Revolution'', Carbondale/Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press. |
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*Pierre Bourdieu 1971: "Le marché des biens symboliques", in ''L'année sociologique'' 22:49-126. |
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*Pierre Bourdieu: ''Ce que parler veut dire. L'économie des échanges linguistiques'', Paris: Fayard. |
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*[[John Edgar Browning]], 2018" “Horror and the Gothic’s utility as a cultural resource and critical tool,” ''Palgrave Communications'' 4: 1-4. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-018-0092-x. |
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*Noël Carroll, ''A Philosophy of Mass Art'', Oxford: Clarendon Press. |
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*Jim Collins, 1989: ''Uncommon Cultures. Popular Culture and Post-Modernism'', New York/London: Routledge. |
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* {{cite book | last1 = Durham | first1 = Meenakshi G. | last2 = Kellner | first2 = Douglas M. | author-link1 = Meenakshi Gigi Durham | title = Media and cultural studies: keyworks | publisher = Wiley-Blackwell | location = Malden | year = 2012 | isbn = 9780470658086 }} |
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*Umberto Eco, 1986: ''Travels in Hyperreality'', New York: Harcourt. |
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*Umberto Eco, 1988 (1964, 1978): ''The Structure of Bad Taste'', Amsterdam: Bert Bakker. |
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*Alain Finkielkraut, 1987: ''La défaite de la pensée'', Paris: Gallimard. |
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*Charles Grivel, 1973: ''Production de l'intérêt romanesque'', The Hague/Paris: Mouton. |
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*Martin Gloger, 2012: ''The New Spirit of Capitalism in Popular Culture: A Comparative Analysis Focusing on Contemporary Coming-Of-Age-Cinema.'' In: M. Arnold & P. Łukasik (Eds.), Europe and America in the Mirror: Culture, Economy, and History. Kraków: NOMOS, pp. 165– 182. |
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*Jürgen Habermas, 1981: ''Theorie des kommunikativen Handelns'', Frankfurt a. M.: Suhrkamp. |
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*Tania Modleski, 1986: "The Terror of Pleasure. The Contemporary Horror Film and Postmodern Theory", in Tania Modleski (ed.), ''Studies in Entertainment. Critical Approaches to Mass Culture'', Bloomington/Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 155-167. |
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*Chandra Mukerji & [[Michael Schudson]], 1991 (eds.), ''Rethinking Popular Culture'', University of California Press |
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*Thomas J. Roberts, 1990: ''An Aesthetics of Junk Fiction'', Athens (Georgia)/London: University of Georgia Press. |
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*Clem Robyns, 1991: "Beyond the first dimension: recent tendencies in popular culture studies", in Joris Vlasselaers (Ed.) ''The Prince and the Frog'', Leuven: ALW. |
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*Clem Robyns, 1995: "Defending the National Identity", In Andreas Poltermann (Ed.) ''Literaturkanon, Medienereignis, Kultureller Text''. Berlin: Erich Schmidt. |
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*Andrew Ross, 1989: ''No Respect. Intellectuals and Popular Culture'', New York/London: Routledge. |
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*Kamaludeen Mohamed Nasir, 2016: ''Globalized Muslim Youth in the Asia Pacific: Popular Culture in Singapore and Sydney'', New York: Palgrave. |
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*Barbara Smith, 1988: ''Contingencies of Value: Alternative Perspectives for Critical Theory'', Cambridge (Mass.)/London: Harvard University Press. |
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*Alan Swingewood, 1977: ''The Myth of Mass Culture'', London: Macmillan. |
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==External links== |
==External links== |
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Revision as of 01:26, 3 June 2022
Popular culture studies is the study of popular culture from a critical theory perspective combining communication studies and cultural studies. The first institution to offer bachelor's and master's degrees in Popular Culture is the Bowling Green State University Department of Popular Culture founded by Ray B. Browne.[1]
External links
- Communications studies resources - University of Iowa
- Cultural Studies Central
- Popular Culture Association and American Culture Association (PCA/ACA)
- ^ Fox, Margalit (27 October 2009). "Ray Browne, 87, Founder of Pop-Culture Studies, Dies". New York Times. Retrieved 12 March 2014.