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A decree<ref>"''Erlaß des Führers und Reichskanzlers über die Gliederung und Verwaltung der Ostgebiete''"</ref> issued by [[Adolf Hitler]] on 8 October 1939 provided for the annexation of former western Polish areas and the former [[Free City of Danzig]], and a separate by-law stipulated the inclusion of the area of [[Suwalki]].<ref name=Toppe399>Andreas Toppe, Militär und Kriegsvölkerrecht: Rechtsnorm, Fachdiskurs und Kriegspraxis in Deutschland 1899-1940, Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag, 2008, p.399, ISBN 3486582062</ref><ref name=Eberhardt4>Piotr Eberhardt, Political Migrations in Poland, 1939-1948, Warsaw 2006, p.4 [http://www.igipz.pan.pl/zpz/Political_migrations.pdf]</ref> |
A decree<ref>"''Erlaß des Führers und Reichskanzlers über die Gliederung und Verwaltung der Ostgebiete''"</ref> issued by [[Adolf Hitler]] on 8 October 1939 provided for the annexation of former western Polish areas and the former [[Free City of Danzig]], and a separate by-law stipulated the inclusion of the area of [[Suwalki]].<ref name=Toppe399>Andreas Toppe, Militär und Kriegsvölkerrecht: Rechtsnorm, Fachdiskurs und Kriegspraxis in Deutschland 1899-1940, Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag, 2008, p.399, ISBN 3486582062</ref><ref name=Eberhardt4>Piotr Eberhardt, Political Migrations in Poland, 1939-1948, Warsaw 2006, p.4 [http://www.igipz.pan.pl/zpz/Political_migrations.pdf]</ref> |
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The first two paragraphs of the decree established "[[Reichsgau Posen]]" in [[Greater Poland]] with the government regions ([[Regierungsbezirk]]) [[Regierungsbezirk Hohensalza|Hohensalza]], [[Regierungsbezirk Posen|Posen]], and [[Regierungsbezirk Kalisch|Kalisch]], as well as "[[Reichsgau West Prussia]]" ({{lang-de|Westpreußen}}) in [[Pomerelia]] with the government regions [[Regierungsbezirk Bromberg|Bromberg]], [[Regierungsbezirk Danzig|Danzig]], and [[Regierungsbezirk Marienwerder|Marienwerder]].<ref name=Toppe399/> These government regions were named after Germanized names of their chief cities: Hohensalza ([[Inowrocław]]), Posen ([[Poznań]]), Kalisch ([[Kalisz]]), Bromberg ([[Bydgoszcz]]), Danzig ([[Gdansk]]), and Marienwerder ([[Kwidzyn]]). The annexed territories were twice as large as former Prussian conquests in the [[Partitions of Poland]], also contained twice as many people. Compared to 1914, the border of Reich was extended eastwards by some 150-200 km on average<ref name= |
The first two paragraphs of the decree established "[[Reichsgau Posen]]" in [[Greater Poland]] with the government regions ([[Regierungsbezirk]]) [[Regierungsbezirk Hohensalza|Hohensalza]], [[Regierungsbezirk Posen|Posen]], and [[Regierungsbezirk Kalisch|Kalisch]], as well as "[[Reichsgau West Prussia]]" ({{lang-de|Westpreußen}}) in [[Pomerelia]] with the government regions [[Regierungsbezirk Bromberg|Bromberg]], [[Regierungsbezirk Danzig|Danzig]], and [[Regierungsbezirk Marienwerder|Marienwerder]].<ref name=Toppe399/> These government regions were named after Germanized names of their chief cities: Hohensalza ([[Inowrocław]]), Posen ([[Poznań]]), Kalisch ([[Kalisz]]), Bromberg ([[Bydgoszcz]]), Danzig ([[Gdansk]]), and Marienwerder ([[Kwidzyn]]). The annexed territories were twice as large as former Prussian conquests in the [[Partitions of Poland]], also contained twice as many people. Compared to 1914, the border of Reich was extended eastwards by some 150-200 km on average<ref name=madajczykAneksja>Czesław Madajczyk. Polityka III Rzeszy w okupowanej Polsce pages 19-73 volume 1 , Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, Warszawa, 1970</ref>. Despite this fact, Germany used old Prussian propaganda of creating a “German living wall” in Polish territories<ref name=" Łuczak"/>. On 29 January 1940, Reichsgau Posen was renamed "[[Reichsgau Wartheland]]" (Warthegau).<ref name=Toppe399/> Reichsgau West Prussia was renamed "Reichsgau Danzig-West Prussia". |
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The remaining annexed areas were not made separate provinces but included in the existing provinces of [[East Prussia]] and [[Upper Silesia]] per §4 of Hitler's decree.<ref name=Toppe399/> [[Arthur Greiser]] was made [[Gauleiter]] of Reichsgau Posen, and [[Albert Forster]] of Reichsgau West Prussia.<ref name=Toppe399/> |
The remaining annexed areas were not made separate provinces but included in the existing provinces of [[East Prussia]] and [[Upper Silesia]] per §4 of Hitler's decree.<ref name=Toppe399/> [[Arthur Greiser]] was made [[Gauleiter]] of Reichsgau Posen, and [[Albert Forster]] of Reichsgau West Prussia.<ref name=Toppe399/> |
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Likewise the winter brought many deaths as Germans limited the available heating materials to one-fourth of those available to Germans<ref name=" Szczesiak"/>. A strict ban on collecting coal left by trucks and supply wagons on the streets by was introduced<ref name=" Szczesiak"/>. |
Likewise the winter brought many deaths as Germans limited the available heating materials to one-fourth of those available to Germans<ref name=" Szczesiak"/>. A strict ban on collecting coal left by trucks and supply wagons on the streets by was introduced<ref name=" Szczesiak"/>. |
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Madajczyk (1970) noted that to further reduce the Polish population a German official Krumey from occupied [[Łódż]] demanded that Polish women were kept in work until reaching 8.5 months of [[pregnancy]]. The aim was to help in [[miscarriage]] and provoke ‘accidents’ that would result in failed birth<ref name=MadajczykPopulacja/>. Nevertheless German officials were extremely worried about Polish birth rate and various other ideas floated among German leadership how to not only prevent it, but to reduce it.<ref name=MadajczykPopulacja/> Among the proposals were: garrisoning the population in labour camps, making the age of allowing marriage much higher, creating labour battalions out of Polish population, introducing child tax, performing abortions, an extended forced work duty throughout life of the Poles combined with relocation to work camps, finally [[sterilization]] of Polish women. Doubts about the ability to perform mass sterilization hindered this idea however, as 55% of available doctors in certain parts of annexed territories were Poles and it was thought they would sabotage the action<ref name=MadajczykPopulacja/>. The German state organization SD performed its own study on the problem. Among the things it concluded was the fact that the number of Poles was wrongly estimated in initial years, however both the [[birth rate]] and survival of German children was higher then that of the Poles<ref name=MadajczykPopulacja/>. The proposed solution to Polish problem was mass sterilization of lower classes (named “primitives” by the report), sending married Poles to slave labour in Reich. An original idea was proposed by Karl Zieger, who believed those measures to be futile. Instead he postulated that whole Polish villages should be moved and scattered into the Reich itself.<ref name=MadajczykPopulacja/> |
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Madajczyk further wrote that the Nazis felt into a trap of perception-the seemingly high birth rate of Poles was one of consequences of expelling all Poles from higher classes into [[General Gouvernment]]-as such the Poles who remained were the ones with high birth rate, while those with few kids were no longer present<ref name=MadajczykPopulacja/>. Madajczyk also remarks that stripping Poles of all cultural activity by the Germans and leaving them to spend all time outside of work in homes, led to conditions favourable to [[family life]] and rising birth rate. One practice that had terrible effect on Polish women was refusal for female slave workers to travel home for birth. Pregnancies by Polish women-workers were subject to abortion, and in case of birth the children were taken by SS [[Lebensborn]]. Polish slave labourers naturally were forbidden to engage in marriage<ref name=MadajczykPopulacja/>. The harsh nature of the German occupation however reduced the birth rate, in Poznań at the end of the war the birth rate was near zero, in Łódż and Innowrocław the birth rate was negative-they were more deaths then births<ref name=MadajczykPopulacja/>. In comparison, the birth rate of Germans went much up till the end of the war<ref name=MadajczykPopulacja/>. From 1939's birth rate survival of 850 live births per 1000 births, the rate fell to 680 per 1000 births in 1944.<ref name=MadajczykPopulacja/> |
Madajczyk further wrote that the Nazis felt into a trap of perception-the seemingly high birth rate of Poles was one of consequences of expelling all Poles from higher classes into [[General Gouvernment]]-as such the Poles who remained were the ones with high birth rate, while those with few kids were no longer present<ref name=MadajczykPopulacja/>. Madajczyk also remarks that stripping Poles of all cultural activity by the Germans and leaving them to spend all time outside of work in homes, led to conditions favourable to [[family life]] and rising birth rate. One practice that had terrible effect on Polish women was refusal for female slave workers to travel home for birth. Pregnancies by Polish women-workers were subject to abortion, and in case of birth the children were taken by SS [[Lebensborn]]. Polish slave labourers naturally were forbidden to engage in marriage<ref name=MadajczykPopulacja/>. The harsh nature of the German occupation however reduced the birth rate, in Poznań at the end of the war the birth rate was near zero, in Łódż and Innowrocław the birth rate was negative-they were more deaths then births<ref name=MadajczykPopulacja/>. In comparison, the birth rate of Germans went much up till the end of the war<ref name=MadajczykPopulacja/>. From 1939's birth rate survival of 850 live births per 1000 births, the rate fell to 680 per 1000 births in 1944.<ref name=MadajczykPopulacja/> |
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===Religion=== |
===Religion=== |
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Madajczyk (1970) wrote that the German state’s fight during the war to destroy the Polish nation covered religious life of Poles as well, especially in areas where in the past Poles and German state clashed already in struggle for existence<ref name=" madajczykReligijne"/> in events like [[Kulturkampf]]. In those places the Catholic Church mobilised Polish resistance during Prussian partitions and served as stronghold for Polish identity. Due to this Nazi’s targetted it in annexed territories. In General Gouvernment the attitude of Nazis was different as it was to serve as temporary work camp and reservation for Poles and they wanted Church’s [[religion]] to serve as tool to control Poles' (nevertheless this meant extermination and terror against priests as well opposing Nazi plans) existence<ref name=" madajczykReligijne"/> The Nazi fight against Polish parts of Catholic Church was also problem for German Catholic Church, where many priests supported nationalists claims of Germany during the war and were faced with split of Church itself as Polish Catholics were persecuted<ref name="madajczykReligijne"/>. Overall the German hierarchy silently accepted (and in some cases supported or encouraged) the discrimination and treatment of Poles as untermenschen, with notable individual exceptions who either protested or tried to help their fellow church members of non-German ethnicity<ref name="madajczykReligijne"/>. In time, as the war continued the growing split between German Catholics and persecuted Polish church facing destruction worried Vatican and the Pope himself<ref name="madajczykReligijne"/>. The annexed parts of Poland covered the dioceses located in [[Gniezno]], [[Poznań]], [[Chełmno]], [[Katowice]], [[Włocławek]], most of [[Łódż]] and [[Płock]] as well parts of [[Warsaw]] diocese, [[Łomża]], [[Częstochowa]] and [[Kielce]] <ref name="madajczykReligijne"/>. The German authorities in line with the policy of total [[Germanization]] aimed to completely destroy Polish church in those locations and replace it with German priests and structures. Polish priests were to be either expelled or exterminated<ref name="madajczykReligijne"/> |
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The main contact point for Nazi’s in those plans was German bishop Splett, who held close relations to Nazi [[Albert Forster]], and pursued plans to replace Polish clergy with German one. Another notable German member of the clergy was bishop Bertram who personally contacted Vatican with the request to Germanize Polish church organization<ref name=" |
The main contact point for Nazi’s in those plans was German bishop Splett, who held close relations to Nazi [[Albert Forster]], and pursued plans to replace Polish clergy with German one. Another notable German member of the clergy was bishop Bertram who personally contacted Vatican with the request to Germanize Polish church organization<ref name="madajczykReligijne"/> Only when position of German Church became threatened itself Bertram called for freedom of faith<ref name="madajczykReligijne"/>. Their work was helped by the fact that as German terror grew and became widely known many high-ranking members of Polish clergy sought refugee abroad to save themselves (Germans were murdering elites of Polish nation as part of their plans) and their deputies were prevented from taking office<ref name="madajczykReligijne"/>. The earliest victim was Pomorze region where almost every Polish church was closed down, robbed and turned ever into some kind of warehouse, stable or depot. Polish priests faced three waves of arrests after initial massacres<ref name="madajczykReligijne"/>. Those who were arrested ended in concentration camps of [[Dachau]] and [[Stutthof]]. Monasteries were closed, their collection of arts and books stolen or destroyed by the Germans<ref name="madajczykReligijne"/>. Splett cooperated with Forster and introduced 200 German priests into [[Chełmno]] diocese where he took office from [[December]] [[1939]]. Under his reign Polish priesthood was oppressed, and prayers and masses under his direction praised Hitler. He also issued a ban against use of Polish language in churches. When he banned confessions in Polish in may 1940 Vatican intervened and ordered that the ban be lifted<ref name="madajczykReligijne"/>. Not only did Splett defend his ban, he argued it was to “protect” people making the confessions<ref name="madajczykReligijne"/>. After this argument he tried to claim that confessions in Polish are used for “nationalistic means” <ref name="madajczykReligijne"/>. Eventually [[Vatican]] accepted his explanation<ref name="madajczykReligijne"/>. Besides banning Polish language, Splett ordered removal of Polish signs and names in graveyards from monuments and graves and in all churches under his jurisdiction<ref name="madajczykReligijne"/>. Albert Forster praised Splett’s work for Germany<ref name="madajczykReligijne"/> |
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In Wartheland the Germans decided against using German priests for Germanisation. The Polish church was to disappear completely. On 13 September 1941 an decree was issued in which the German administration rejected the existence of church as legal entity in that region. Three weeks later majority of Polish priests were sent to concentration camps. Out of 6 bishops in the region, only one managed to remain-[[Walenty Dymek]]. It was Dymek who through his energetic protests finally started worrying the Vatican that it would eventually lose all of the Polish churches in the region-in no less than 2–3 months. The Vatican, concerned about the possibility of development of German National Catholic Church, intervened and as first step appointed two administrators-one for German and one for Polish population in the region<ref name=" |
In Wartheland the Germans decided against using German priests for Germanisation. The Polish church was to disappear completely. On 13 September 1941 an decree was issued in which the German administration rejected the existence of church as legal entity in that region. Three weeks later majority of Polish priests were sent to concentration camps. Out of 6 bishops in the region, only one managed to remain-[[Walenty Dymek]]. It was Dymek who through his energetic protests finally started worrying the Vatican that it would eventually lose all of the Polish churches in the region-in no less than 2–3 months. The Vatican, concerned about the possibility of development of German National Catholic Church, intervened and as first step appointed two administrators-one for German and one for Polish population in the region<ref name="madajczykReligijne"/>, with Dyme appointed as administrator over Polish population. The condition of the Church in Warthegau region was catastrophic-till 1944 up to 1,300 churches and temples were closed, with 500 turned into warehouses, two were simply blown up by the Germans, others were given to [[Evangelical Church]]. [[Cathedral]]s in Poznań and Włocławek were robbed from their [[relics]] and [[art]]. Part of the looted art was destroyed by the Germans. In Gniezno the [[basilica]] was devastated<ref name="madajczykReligijne"/>. In Poznań Catholic press and organizations which formed the religious centre in the religion were destroyed<ref name="madajczykReligijne"/>. Most of religious monuments, rural crosses, small chapels were eradicated from the region as well<ref name="madajczykReligijne"/>. Access to masses was hindered, and often Germans subjected Polish worshippers leaving the church to [[łapanka]]. Up to 80% of Polish priests were to be expelled, and massive arrests followed. Eventually Germans abandoned any public justification or explanations regarding arrests and expulsions<ref name="madajczykReligijne"/>. From 2,500 priests in the Warthegau region 752 perished and 1/3 survived the war in prisons and concentration camps<ref name="madajczykReligijne"/>. In Poznań out of 800 Polish priests in 1939, only 34 remained in 1943<ref name="madajczykReligijne"/>. In Upper Silesia Bishop of Katowice Adamski ordered Poles to pray in German and identify as Germans. Throughout the war Adamski encouraged this with acceptance of Polish Government in Exile, in order to save the local population from German genocide<ref name="madajczykReligijne"/>. In monasteries he brought Germans who would represent them to German officials. Nevertheless at least 60 were closed. To avoid accusations of personal interests, after issuing this call he publicly declared himself Polish<ref name="madajczykReligijne"/> Despite Adamski’s actions the Upper Silesian Polish church was also subject of repression-43 priests were murdered in concentration camps and prisons, 2 died in executions for their collaboration with Polish resistance, 13 were expelled to General Gouvernment (including 2 bishops), several were stripped of their function<ref name="madajczykReligijne"/>. |
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Łuczak (1987) wrote that many Polish priests were arrested and put into concentration camps or prisons<ref name=" Łuczak"/> or murdered in executions.<ref name=" |
Łuczak (1987) wrote that many Polish priests were arrested and put into concentration camps or prisons<ref name=" Łuczak"/> or murdered in executions.<ref name=" madajczykReligijne"/> Historic churches were destroyed, and in several cases Germans defiled icons or religious items symbolic for Polish people<ref name=" Łuczak"/>. Poles were forbidden to attend funerals of other Poles unless they were direct and close family of the person which died<ref name=" Łuczak"/>. Several Polish churches were closed down. Selected Polish religious songs banned, while books containing them were confiscated and destroyed. Polish religious organisations were dissolved. In many places objects of religious worship of significance to Poles were destroyed or defiled<ref name=" Łuczak"/>. |
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'''Number of Polish priests killed within the territories annexed into German Reich according to Czesław Madajczyk (1970)<ref name= |
'''Number of Polish priests killed within the territories annexed into German Reich according to Czesław Madajczyk (1970)<ref name=madajczykReligijne>Czesław Madajczyk. Polityka III Rzeszy w okupowanej Polsce pages 177-212 volume 2 , Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, Warszawa, 1970</ref> |
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{| class="wikitable" border="1" |
{| class="wikitable" border="1" |
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===Judicial system=== |
===Judicial system=== |
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In judicial system the proceedings against Poles were shortened. In court Poles had no legal protection<ref name=" Łuczak"/>. Public whipping, beatings of Poles were allowed by German authorities. Public beatings of Poles by Germans were accepted by law as long as the beating did not "lower the productivity of a Pole".<ref name="Łuczak"/> German criminal law was introduced on Polish territories annexed to Reich on 6 VI 1940<ref name= |
In judicial system the proceedings against Poles were shortened. In court Poles had no legal protection<ref name=" Łuczak"/>. Public whipping, beatings of Poles were allowed by German authorities. Public beatings of Poles by Germans were accepted by law as long as the beating did not "lower the productivity of a Pole".<ref name="Łuczak"/> German criminal law was introduced on Polish territories annexed to Reich on 6 VI 1940<ref name=madajczykTerror>Czesław Madajczyk. Polityka III Rzeszy w okupowanej Polsce pages 235-259 volume 2 , Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, Warszawa, 1970</ref>. It contained several parts based solely on racial and ethnic category of the person subject to trial. Special courts were established which were granted right to pass death sentences in quick and easy way. The idea that Poles and Jews just like Germans could stand before the same court was unacceptable to German authorities<ref name="madajczykTerror"/>. The base idea of the law was to put as many as possible violations against German occupation under penalty. Prison as punishment was considered unsuitable and death sentence and whipping preferred in designed projects of the law<ref name="madajczykTerror"/>. Additionally hard labour and very hard labour were introduced as methods of punishment. The core ideology of the law and its motivation was based on racist ideology<ref name="madajczykTerror"/>. As the German [[Interior Ministry]] explained the foundation of the law was “Polish guilt which can’t be washed away, and that proves Poles are not worthy of Europe” and that the atrocious nature of Poles is the starting point of the German [[penal law]] <ref name="madajczykTerror"/>. The new law gave almost unlimited right to pass death sentences against Poles and imprisonment in concentration camps<ref name="madajczykTerror"/>. For example in Katowice a special German court passed in 40% of cases deportation to Auschwitz as punishment, and in 60% of cases death penalty. In Białystok in proceedings under the supervision of Alfred Konig, 80% of accused were sentenced to death and 15% - to concentration camps<ref name="madajczykTerror"/>. |
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The harshness of German law was demonstrated by such cases, as 5 months of penal camp for a woman who smiled to English [[POW]]’s in [[Ostrów Wielkopolski]] <ref name=" Szczesiak"/>. A 15-year-old girl who gave a cigarette to a POW was [[sentenced]] for 3 months imprisonment in concentration camp<ref name=" Szczesiak"/>. In order to intimidate Polish population a law was passed that ordered obligatory participation in mass executions<ref name=" Szczesiak"/>. |
The harshness of German law was demonstrated by such cases, as 5 months of penal camp for a woman who smiled to English [[POW]]’s in [[Ostrów Wielkopolski]] <ref name=" Szczesiak"/>. A 15-year-old girl who gave a cigarette to a POW was [[sentenced]] for 3 months imprisonment in concentration camp<ref name=" Szczesiak"/>. In order to intimidate Polish population a law was passed that ordered obligatory participation in mass executions<ref name=" Szczesiak"/>. |
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[[Kidnapping of Polish children by Nazi Germany|Polish children were kidnapped for Germanization, forced labour and medical experiments]].<ref name="Nowa Encyklopedia Powszechna PWN"/> in annexed territories. They were forbidden to enter playgrounds for German children and their healthcare was lowered resulting in rising deaths among the young<ref name=" Szczesiak"/>. |
[[Kidnapping of Polish children by Nazi Germany|Polish children were kidnapped for Germanization, forced labour and medical experiments]].<ref name="Nowa Encyklopedia Powszechna PWN"/> in annexed territories. They were forbidden to enter playgrounds for German children and their healthcare was lowered resulting in rising deaths among the young<ref name=" Szczesiak"/>. |
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madajczyk (1970) says that as the war continued the attitude of Poles changed from hostility to hatred towards the Germans, and while already animosity existed due to German oppression of Poles in XIX century, the racist and genocidal actions of German state during Second World War heightened this conflict to another level<ref name="madajczykPostawa"/>. |
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===Consequences=== |
===Consequences=== |
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Łuczak noted that Nazi Germany put the Germans in a position to economically exploit the Polish society, and provided them with privileges and a comparably high standard of living at the expense of the Poles, to ensure their loyalty.<ref name="Łuczak"/> While certain conditions under Nazi rule were limiting the freedoms of Germans, such as the dissolution of various German religious and political associations, the Nazi regime provided for political, cultural, and material benefits.<ref name="Łuczak"/> Germans received executive positions from which people classified as “Untermenschen” were removed.<ref name="Łuczak"/> German was made the only official language.<ref name=" Łuczak"/> Germans received the right to enter any Polish home at will to perform revision and identification of people living there at any time, and could acquire possessions from Poles and Jews with little effort and mostly without payment or at a low price. For example, a German could easily request a Polish house or apartment from the government, even if Poles were still living there.<ref name="Łuczak"/> As the overwhelming majority of Germans in annexed authorities supported Nazi authorities and their policies, this gave the Nazi politicians a degree of self-confidence based on popular support.<ref name="Łuczak"/> In [[Warthegau]] alone out of 309,002 Germans, 180,000 served in various organizations that provided assistance and were vital to Nazi plans against Poles and Jews.<ref name="Łuczak"/> They provided invaluable due to their knowledge of local conditions and society. Motives for cooperation ranged from ideological support for Nazism to material opportunism.<ref name="Łuczak"/> |
Łuczak noted that Nazi Germany put the Germans in a position to economically exploit the Polish society, and provided them with privileges and a comparably high standard of living at the expense of the Poles, to ensure their loyalty.<ref name="Łuczak"/> While certain conditions under Nazi rule were limiting the freedoms of Germans, such as the dissolution of various German religious and political associations, the Nazi regime provided for political, cultural, and material benefits.<ref name="Łuczak"/> Germans received executive positions from which people classified as “Untermenschen” were removed.<ref name="Łuczak"/> German was made the only official language.<ref name=" Łuczak"/> Germans received the right to enter any Polish home at will to perform revision and identification of people living there at any time, and could acquire possessions from Poles and Jews with little effort and mostly without payment or at a low price. For example, a German could easily request a Polish house or apartment from the government, even if Poles were still living there.<ref name="Łuczak"/> As the overwhelming majority of Germans in annexed authorities supported Nazi authorities and their policies, this gave the Nazi politicians a degree of self-confidence based on popular support.<ref name="Łuczak"/> In [[Warthegau]] alone out of 309,002 Germans, 180,000 served in various organizations that provided assistance and were vital to Nazi plans against Poles and Jews.<ref name="Łuczak"/> They provided invaluable due to their knowledge of local conditions and society. Motives for cooperation ranged from ideological support for Nazism to material opportunism.<ref name="Łuczak"/> |
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madajczyk noted that the Polish diaries and memoirs from the era remember Volksdeutsche as particularly brutal and ruthless group<ref name="madajczykPostawa"/>. Pomerania was noted as a region with very strong pro-Nazi German society by Polish observers as well as Łódż. Support for German nationalism was especially evident in regards to young part of the population, which was strongly influenced by Nazis ideology. The mass conscription of young Germans in military by 1942 was greeted with relief by the Polish population. When trains with wounded and crippled German soldiers started returning from [[Eastern Front]] they were welcomed alongside train tracks by groups of celebrating Polish population<ref name="madajczykPostawa"/>. Local Germans were rewarded for their support in genocide of Jews and Poles and invasion of Poland by high positions in administration and increased their wealth by confiscations of Polish and Jewish property<ref name="madajczykPostawa"/>. The German colonists were of wide origin and their image varied. The ones from Bessarabia were considered the worst. In all however was noted an infinite support for Hitler and belief in German state’s supremacy, Many were thankful for material benefits provided by German state. In time their attitude towards local Poles grew in harshness and ruthlessness. While some initially talked to Poles, in time as they soaked up Nazi ideology, this stopped, and some turned to violence against Poles<ref name="madajczykPostawa"/>. On farms the Poles were treated by Germans as farm animals, and some Germans treated their dogs more humanely than Polish slave labourers<ref name="madajczykPostawa"/>. |
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===Case study-Mława district=== |
===Case study-Mława district=== |
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madajczyk assesses a case study of relationship of Germans towards Poles conducted by Polish [[Home Army]] unit in [[Mława]]. From the start of the war till spring 1942 Polish Underground performed a thorough analysis of 1,100 Germans and their actions and behaviour towards Polish population. Out of those, 9 Germans engaged in friendly relationship with Poles or tried to help them (among those were 3 craftsmen, 3 policeman, 1 camp guard, 1 administration official). The group who took supported Nazis and engaged in despicable acts was much larger <ref name="madajczykPostawa"/>. |
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== Post-war changes == |
== Post-war changes == |
Revision as of 15:18, 16 May 2009
This article deals with territories annexed into Nazi Germany. For territories occupied in 1939 but not annexed, see General Government.
Territorial evolution of Germany in the 20th century |
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At the beginning of World War II, nearly a quarter[1] of the pre-war Polish areas were annexed by Nazi Germany and placed under German civil administration. The annexation was part of the "fourth" partition of Poland by the Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union, outlined months before in the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact.
Some smaller territories were annexed straight into the already existing Gaue East Prussia and Silesia, while from the bulk new Reichsgaue Danzig-West Prussia and Wartheland were created. Of those, Reichsgau Wartheland was the largest and the only one comprising solely annexed territory.[2]
The Nazi authorities planned a complete Germanization of the annexed territories, considering them part of their lebensraum. The local Jewish population was forced to live in ghettos, and was gradually deported to concentration and extermination camps, the most infamous of which, Auschwitz, was located in annexed East Upper Silesia. Only a few survived the Holocaust. The local Polish population was to be gradually replaced by German settlers. Especially the Polish elite became subject to mass murder, and an estimated 780,000 Poles were subject to expulsion, either to the Generalgouvernement or to the Altreich for forced labour. The remaining Polish population was strictly segregated from the German population and subject to a variety of repressive measures. These included forced labour and their exclusion from all political and many cultural aspects of society. Contemporarily, the local German minority was granted several privileges, and their number was steadily raised by the settlement of ethnic Germans, including those displaced by the Nazi-Soviet population transfers.
After the Red Army took most of the territories during the Vistula-Oder offensive in early 1945, the Germans were expelled and the territories became part of the People's Republic of Poland.
Background
Already in the fall of 1933 Adolf Hitler revealed to his closest associates his intentions to annex western Poland into an envisioned Greater Germany.[3] After the invasion of Poland in September 1939, the Third Reich in October annexed an area of 92,500 km²[1] (23.7%[1] of pre-war Poland) with a population of about 10,000,000 people (30%[1] of the pre-war Polish population).[4][5]. The remainder of the Polish territory was either annexed by the Soviet Union (201,000 km²[1] or 51.6%[1] of pre-war Poland as per the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact) or made into the German-controlled General Government occupation zone (95,500 km²[1] or 24.5%[1] of pre-war Poland). A tiny portion of pre-war Poland (700 km²[1]) was annexed by Nazi Slovakia.
Since 1935, Nazi Germany was divided into provinces (Gaue) which had replaced the former German states and Prussian provinces. Of the territories annexed, some were attached to the already existing Gaue East Prussia and Silesia (later Upper Silesia), while from others new Reichsgaue Danzig-West Prussia and Wartheland were constituted. Wartheland was the only Gau constituted solely from annexed territory,[2] Danzig-West Prussia comprised also former German areas and the former Free City of Danzig. The occupied Generalgouvernement remained outside the Third Reich.
The annexation violated international law (in particular, the Hague Convention IV 1907).[6][7] Nazi Germany's officials discussed the convention and tried to circumvent it by declaring the war against Poland over prior to the annexation, which in their view made the convention non-applicable.[7]
Administration
Military and early civil administration, September 1939
On 8 and 13 September 1939, the German military districts of "Posen" (Poznan), commanded by general Alfred von Vollard-Bockelberg, and "Westpreußen" (West Prussia), commanded by general Walter Heitz, were established in conquered Greater Poland and Pomerelia, respectively.[8] Based on laws of 21 May 1935 and 1 June 1938, the German military, Wehrmacht, shared its administrative powers with civilian "chief civil administrators" (Chefs der Zivilverwaltung, CdZ).[9] German dictator Adolf Hitler appointed Arthur Greiser to become the CdZ of the Posen military district, and Danzig's Gauleiter Albert Forster to become the CdZ of the West Prussian military district.[8] On 3 October 1939, the military districts "Lodz" and "Krakau" (Cracow) were set up under command of major generals Gerd von Rundstedt and Wilhelm List, and Hitler appointed Hans Frank and Arthur Seyß-Inquart as civil heads, respectively.[8] Frank was at the same time appointed "supreme chief administrator" for all occupied territories.[8]
Hitler's annexation decree, October 1939
A decree[10] issued by Adolf Hitler on 8 October 1939 provided for the annexation of former western Polish areas and the former Free City of Danzig, and a separate by-law stipulated the inclusion of the area of Suwalki.[5][11]
The first two paragraphs of the decree established "Reichsgau Posen" in Greater Poland with the government regions (Regierungsbezirk) Hohensalza, Posen, and Kalisch, as well as "Reichsgau West Prussia" (German: Westpreußen) in Pomerelia with the government regions Bromberg, Danzig, and Marienwerder.[5] These government regions were named after Germanized names of their chief cities: Hohensalza (Inowrocław), Posen (Poznań), Kalisch (Kalisz), Bromberg (Bydgoszcz), Danzig (Gdansk), and Marienwerder (Kwidzyn). The annexed territories were twice as large as former Prussian conquests in the Partitions of Poland, also contained twice as many people. Compared to 1914, the border of Reich was extended eastwards by some 150-200 km on average[12]. Despite this fact, Germany used old Prussian propaganda of creating a “German living wall” in Polish territories[2]. On 29 January 1940, Reichsgau Posen was renamed "Reichsgau Wartheland" (Warthegau).[5] Reichsgau West Prussia was renamed "Reichsgau Danzig-West Prussia".
The remaining annexed areas were not made separate provinces but included in the existing provinces of East Prussia and Upper Silesia per §4 of Hitler's decree.[5] Arthur Greiser was made Gauleiter of Reichsgau Posen, and Albert Forster of Reichsgau West Prussia.[5]
Administrative changes following the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union, June 1941
After the German attack on the Soviet Union in June 1941, the district of Białystok, which included the Białystok, Bielsk Podlaski, Grajewo, Łomża, Sokółka, Volkovysk, and Grodno Counties, was attached to (not incorporated into) East Prussia.[13][14] Other Polish territories, first annexed by Soviet Union and then by Germany, was incorporated into Reichskommissariat Ostland (in the north), Reichskommissariat Ukraine (in the south) and the General Government (Distrikt Galizien in the utmost south).
Administrative division
Nazi German administrative units | Annexed administrative units | ||
---|---|---|---|
Reichsgau/Gau (province) |
Regierungsbezirk (government region) |
Polish voivodeship/ State |
Counties |
Reichsgau Wartheland (Warthegau) initially Reichsgau Posen[15] |
Posen Hohensalza Litzmannstadt5 |
Poznań | all counties |
Łódź | most counties | ||
Pomeranian | five counties | ||
Warsaw | one county | ||
Reichsgau Danzig-West Prussia1 (Danzig-Westpreußen) initially Reichsgau West Prussia |
Bromberg Danzig1 Marienwerder1 |
Greater Pomeranian | most counties |
Free City of Danzig | |||
East Prussia1 (Ostpreußen) southernmost part2 |
Zichenau Gumbinnen1 |
Warsaw | Ciechanów, Działdowo, Maków, Mława, Płock, Płońsk, Przasnysz, Sierpc; parts of Łomża, Ostrołęka, Pułtusk, Sochaczew, Warsaw |
Białystok | Suwałki and part of Augustów | ||
Bezirk Bialystok (attached in 1941)6 |
Białystok | Białystok, Bielsk Podlaski, Grajewo, Łomża, Sokółka, Volkovysk, Grodno | |
(Upper) Silesia1,3 (Oberschlesien) easternmost part4 |
Kattowitz Oppeln1 |
Autonomous Silesian | Sosnowiec, Będzin, Chrzanów, Oświęcim, Zawiercie |
Kielce | Olkusz | ||
Kraków | Żywiec[16] | ||
1 Gau or Regierungsbezirk only partially comprised annexed territory 2 the annexed parts are also referred to as "South East Prussia" (German: Südostpreußen) |
Demographics
Demography in 1939
Prior to the Nazi German invasion in September 1939 and the subsequent annexation in October, the territories consisted a total of up to 10,568,000 people or some 30% of pre-1939 Poland's population.[5][15] Due to flights, war losses, natural migration and the lack of contemporary reliable data, demographics especially in the border regions can only be estimated.[18]
Area and population data in 1939 of Nazi German Gaue that included annexed territory: Estimates according to Nazi German Bureau for Racial Policies, 25 November 1939[19] | ||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Gau/Reichsgau | East Prussia | Reichsgau Danzig-West Prussia | Reichsgau Wartheland | Province of Silesia | Total of the four provinces | Only annexed parts of these provinces |
Area (km2) | 52,099 | 25,705 | 40,309 | 46,908 | 165,021 | 86,295 |
Total population | 3,113,000 | 2,156,000 | 4,203,000 | 7,258,000 | 16,729,000 | 9,082,000 |
Persons per km2 | 61 | 84 | 104 | 155 | 101 | 105 |
Germans | 2,004,768 | 817,474 | 309,002 | 3,813,930 | 8,145,174 | 597,784 |
% Germans | 71% | 38% | 7% | 66% | 49% | 7% |
Jews | 79,198 | 23,302 | 322,947 | 123,202 | 548,649 | 494,913 |
% Jews | 3% | 1% | 8% | 2% | 3% | 5% |
Poles | 810,834 | 1,310,099 | 3,558,489 | 2,184,329 | 7,863,751 | 7,817,377 |
% Poles | 26% | 61% | 85% | 30% | 47% | 86% |
Other | 17,773 | 4,666 | 11,984 | 136,578 | 171,001 | 171,001 |
Heinemann (2003) gives identical numbers for Reichsgau Danzig-West Prussia[20] and Warthegau.[21] For East Upper Silesia, Heinemann gives numbers based on the census of December 1939, saying there was a total of 2.43 million people, of whom ~1.08 million were ethnic Germans, ~930,000 Poles, and ~90,000 Jews.[22] Heinemann and Encyclopedia Judaica also give a higher estimate regarding the Jewish population, whose number they put between 560,000 and 586,628 people.[23][24] Eberhardt (2006) confirms the number given by the Bureau for Racial Policy by saying about 600,000 people were Germans.[15]
Waszak (1970) cited slightly differing estimates, first published in 1947:
Gau | Total population | Poles | Germans | Jews | Ukrainians | Others |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Wartheland | 4.933.600 | 4.220.200 | 324.600 | 384.500 | - | 4.300 |
Upper Silesia | 2.632.630 | 2.404.670 | 98.204 | 124.877 | 1.202 | 3.677 |
Danzig-West Prussia | 1.571.215 | 1.393.717 | 158.377 | 14.458 | 1.648 | 3.020 |
East Prussia | 1.001.560 | 886.061 | 18.400 | 79.098 | 8.0099 | 9.902 |
Total | 10.139.005 | 8.904.648 | 599.576 | 602.953 | 10.949 | 20.899 |
Census data was compiled by the Nazi Germany in Danzig-West Prussia on 3 December,[26] and in Warthegau and Upper Silesia on 17 December.[27] A number of Poles tried to present themselves as Germans (Volksdeutsche) hoping to avoid the anti-Polish atrocities that occurred during the invasion.[28] The Nazis classified people based on racial criteria with Poles and Jews being considered "untermenschen" (subhumans) as opposed to Germans who according to the Nazi’s ideology at the time were "herrenvolk" (master race). This classification had not only ideological meaning but was expressed in all aspects of practical daily life and treatment of the population.[2]
Nazi Germanization plans by expulsion, resettlement and genocide
On October 7, 1939 Adolf Hitler appointed Heinrich Himmler as his settlement commissioner, responsible for all resettlement measures in the Altreich and the annexed territories as well as the Nazi-Soviet population exchanges.[29] For his new office, Himmler chose the title Reichskommissar für die Festigung deutschen Volkstums ("Reich's commissioner for strengthening Germandom", RKF).[30] The RKF staff (Stabshauptamt RKF) in concert with the 'Main Department of Race and Settlement' (Rasse- und Siedlungs-Hauptamt, RuSHA) of the SS planned and executed the war-time resettlement and extermination process in the annexed territories.[31] In October 1939, Himmler ordered the immediate expulsion of all Jews from the annexed territories, all "Congress Poles" from Reichsgau Danzig-West Prussia, and all "Reich's enemies" from the Warthegau, South East Prussia and East Upper Silesia.[31] The term “Reich enemies” was applied to all Poles with higher education, engaged in pre-war in any patriotic organisations or initiatives and generally those who manifested Polish patriotism. Those expelled were to be deported to the Generalgouvernement.[31]
This directive was superseded by another RKF-directive of early 1940,[31] ordering the immediate expulsion of the remaining Jews and the replacement of 3.4 million Poles with Germans settlers in the long run.[24] This RKF scenario envisioned as a first step the settlement of 100,000 German families within the next three years. In this early stage planners believed the settlers would be relocated from the Altreich.[24] "Racially valuable" Poles were to be exempted from deportation and "racially valuable" ethnic Germans were also to be settled.[32] Himmler said he wanted to "create a blonde province here".[33] Responsible for "racial evaluation" were 'Central Bureau for Immigration' (Einwandererzentralstelle, EWZ) and 'Central Bureau for Resettlement' (Umwandererzentralstelle, UWZ) of the SS' RuSHA.[32] The annexed territories were to be Germanised in rural areas within 5 years and in urban areas within 10 years,[34] the General Gouvernment in 15 years[35]
In practice the war-time population shift in the annexed territories did not take on its planned extend, either in regard to the number of expelled Poles and the resettled Germans, or in regard to the origin of the settled Germans which was in the Soviet Union.[36] Plans for a resettlement of Germans from the Third Reich were upheld in the Generalplan Ost but postponed to after the war.[36] This plan envisioned the elimination of all Jews and in the long run the deportation of initially 31, later 51 million Slavs to Siberia from a large area designated for German settlement.[37]. The removal of Poles consisted of such actions as ethnic cleansing, mass executions, organized famine and eradication of national groups by scattering them in isolated pockets labour[38].
In addition, other Germanic settlers such as Dutch, Danes and Swedes were envisioned to settle. A small Dutch artisan colony was already established in Poznań in 1941.[39]
Expulsion and genocide of Poles and Jews
The Jewish and Polish population was subject to mass murder and expulsions already during the September invasion, triggering mass flight.[15][23] The Jewish population was to be exterminated immediately during the Holocaust, only a few survived. Major concentration camps and extermination camps set up within the annexed territories were Auschwitz (consisting of several subcamps), Chelmno (Kulmhof), Potulice (Potulitz), Stutthof, and Soldau.
According to Heinemann, about 780,000 ethnic Poles in the annexed territories lost their homes between 1939 and 1944.[40] Of these, at least 250,000 were deported to the Generalgouvernement, 310,000 were displaced or forced into Polenlager camps within the respective Gau, and the others were subject to forced labour either within the annexed territories or in the Altreich. Heinemann says that according to Madajczyk, 987,217 were displaced in the annexed territories and the Zamosc region, including Jews.[40] People were sometimes arrested from the street in so-called łapanki.
Heinemann further says that an additional 110,000 Jews were deported to the Generalgouvernement.[40] Another more than 400,000 Jews were later deported to Auschwitz, Treblinka or Chelmno (Kulmhof) concentration camps,[41] and thousands had died in the ghettos.[41] Of the deported Jews, more than 300,000 were from Warthegau, 2,000 from Reichsgau Danzig-West Prussia, 85,000 from East Upper Silesia, 30,000 from the Zichenau district and 200,000 from the Bialystok district both in South East Prussia.[41]
Eberhardt cites numbers provided by Jastrzębski, 1968, who says that according to RKF documents, 365,000 were deported between 1939 and 1944.[42] Jastrzębski notes that adding the numbers retrieved from documents of local authorities yields a higher total of 414,820 deported, and estimates a total of about 450,000 including unplanned and undocumented expulsions.[42] Eberhardt notes that on top of these numbers, many had fled, and cites numbers provided by Łuczak, 1979, who estimates that between 918,000 and 928,000 were deported or evicted from the annexed territories between 1939 and 1944.[42] A similar estimate (923,000) is also given by the Institute of National Remembrance.[43]
Heinemann and Łuczak ak as cited by Eberhardt detail the expulsions as follows: 81,000 Poles were displaced from their homes in East Upper Silesia,[22][42] 22,000 of whom were deported to the Generalgouvernement.[22] They were replaced with 38,000 ethnic Germans primarily from Bukovina.[22] From the Zichenau and Suwalki areas of South East Prussia, 25,000[20] to 28,000[42] Poles were "evacuated", an additional 25,000[42] to 28,000[20] from the Bialystock area attached in 1941. In Reichsgau Danzig-West Prussia, 123,000[20] to 124,000[42] were displaced until the end of 1942, 53,000 of whom were deported to the Generalgouvernement,[20] the others were forced into camps where they were "racially evaluated".[20] In the Warthegau, 630,000 were displaced between 1939 and 1944.[42][44] Additionally, Łuczak estimates that between 30,000 and 40,000 were subject to "wild" expulsions primarily in Pomerelia.[42]
Poles due be deported to the Generalgouvernement were first put in camps where they were subject to racial evaluation (Durchschleusung) by the UWZ similar to the Durchschleusung of ethnic Germans (see below).[45] Those deemed "capable of re-Germanization" (wiedereindeutschungsfähig) were not deported to the Generalgouvernement, but instead to the Altreich.[45] A total of 1.5 million people was expelled or deported, including those deported for slave labor in Germany or concentration and extermination camps.[46] Eberhardt says a total of 1.053 million people were deported for forced labour from the annexed territories.[47]
-
Jews subjected to forced labour in Posen (Poznan), October 1941
-
Auschwitz concentration camp, most infamous camp of the Holocaust, located in annexed East Upper Silesia
-
Poles deported for forced labour in a camp in Germany proper
-
Ghetto Litzmannstadt: Children rounded up for deportation to the Chelmno death camp
German colonization and settlement
Throughout the war the annexed Polish territories were subject to German colonization. The goal of Germany was to assimilate the territories politically, culturally, socially, and economically into the German Reich. According to Esch, because of the lack of settlers from the Altreich, the colonists were primarily ethnic Germans from areas further East.[36][48]
Eberhardt cites estimates for the ethnic German influx provided by Szobak, Łuczak, and a collective report, ranging from 404,612 (Szobak) to 631,500 (Łuczak).[49] Anna Bramwell says 591,000 ethnic Germans moved into the annexed territories,[48] and details the areas of colonists' origin as follows: 93,000[48] were from Bessarabia, 21,000[48] from Dobruja, 98,000[48] from Bukovina, 68,000[48] from Volhynia, 58,000[48] from Galicia, 130,000[48] from the Baltic states, 38,000[48] from eastern Poland, 72,000[48] from Sudetenland, and 13,000[48] from Slovenia.[48]/
Additionally some 400,000 German officials, technical staff, and clerks were sent to those areas in order to administrate them, according to "Atlas Ziem Polski" citing a joint Polish-German scholarly publication on the aspect of population changes during the war[50] Eberhardt estimates that the total influx from the Altreich was about 500,000 people.[51]
[[William J. Duiker}Duiker]] and Spielvogel notes that up to two million Germans had been settled in pre-war Poland by 1942.[52] Eberhardt gives a total of two million Germans present in the area of all pre-war Poland by the end of the war, 1.3 million of whom moved in during the war, adding to a pre-war population of 700,000.[51]
Area | Number of German colonists |
---|---|
Warthegau | 536,951 |
Reichsgau Danzig-West Prussia | 50,204 |
East Upper Silesia | 36,870 |
Regierungsbezirk Zichenau | 7,460 |
The increase of German population was most visible in the towns, in Poznań the German population increased from ~6,000 in 1939 to 93,589 in 1944, in Łódż from ~60,000 to 140,721, and in Inowroclaw from 956 to 10,713.[54] In Warthegau, where most Germans were settled, the share of the German population increased from 6.6% in 1939 to 21.2% in 1943.[55]
Only those Germans deemed "racially valuable" were allowed to settle. People were "evaluated" and classified in the Durchschleusung process in which they were assigned to the categories RuS I ("most valuable") to IV ("not valuable").[56] Only RuS I to III were allowed to settle, those who found themselves in RuSIV were either classified as "A"-cases and brought to the Altreich for "non-selfdetermined work and re-education", or classified as "S"-cases who were either sent back to their original Eastern European homelands or "evacuated" to the Generalgouvernement.[57] Initially, people classified as RuS III were to be deported to the Altreich for forced labour, yet since January 1940 were allowed to settle on smaller farms (20 hectare compared to 50 hectare farms for RuS I and II).[57] This change was based on a personal order by Himmler and led to a more restrictive categorization by the classifying officials.[57] About a million ethnic Germans had been subjected to Durchschleusung by the end of 1944.[58] RuS I and II were assigned to between 60% and 70% of the Baltic Germans and 44% of the Volhynian Germans, while many ethnic Germans from the Soviet Union were put in the lower categories.[59]
Ethnic segregation
The segregation of Germans and Poles was achieved by a variety of measures limiting their social interaction.
Łuczak (1987) described the segregation:
- Access to a variety of cinemas, theatres, museums, hotels, cafe’s, restaurants, parks, playgrounds[2] ,public transport such as first and second class train departments and best city trolleys, public bathhouses, beaches, public phones[2] and public benches was granted only to Germans, while forbidden by law for Poles and Jews.[2] Poles were not allowed to attend German-held masses.[2]Attending cultural activities or events for non-Germans was punishable, for example in Poznań, four young Polish women who attended an opera were sentenced by German court for 4 months of penal work camp[2] Other laws made it obligatory for Poles to give way to Germans in every occasion on sidewalks, and all Poles were to bow down to Germans as form of greeting.[2] Support for Nazi policies was high among the German minority in the annexed territories[2] Nevertheless as part of their racial policies the German officials forbid friendly or supportive contacts by Germans to Poles and Jews were dealt with quickly and harshly by the authorities by imprisonment in concentration camps, confiscation of property or death sentences.[2]. Intimate contacts of Germans and Poles were forbidden, a Polish women caught in an affair with a German were arrested and in some cases forced into a brothel.[2]
Madajczyk (1970) noted that 529 cases of such relations were reported by German police in 1941[60], out of 786,000 Germans located in Wartheland. Occasionally, signs were posted in public places reading: "Entrance is forbidden to Poles, Jews, and dogs".[61]. When Germans wanted to silence Poles and Jews, they used such expressions, as “stop barking” or “shut your snouts”.[62]
Part of the population was classified as Volksdeutsche, mostly German ethnic minority. Some Poles were classified as such as well, either by their own free will or by force which included death threats.
Repressions against Polish and Jewish population
Because the Nazi Germany envisioned a near-term complete Germanization of the annexed territories, measures there differed from those implemented in the General Gouvernment. Germans and the remaining Poles and Jews were strictly segregated. In case of the Jews, this was achieved by ghettoization.
Łuczak (1987) wrote that the German administration classified people based on racial criteria with Poles and Jews being considered "untermenschen" (subhumans) as opposed to Germans who according to the Nazi’s ideology at the time were "herrenvolk" (master race). This classification had not only ideological meaning but was expressed in all aspects of practical daily life and treatment of the population.[2] Three main goals were formulated by German authorities in regards to Polish population: Gradual biological eradication of Polish nation, expulsion out of the annexed areas and use of Poles as forced labour, and changing remaining Poles into obedient low-skilled workers by draconian means.[2]
Economic discrimination
Łuczak (1987) wrote that many Polish owned buildings and enterprises were confiscated, and all jewelry, furniture, money, clothing were subject to forced confiscation[2]. All executive positions which were formerly occupied by Poles and Jews were given to Germans.[2] Poles were forbidden from owning rural and industrial enterprises, transport firms, building firms, workshops. The Nazis seized tens of thousands of Polish enterprises, from large industrial firms to small shops, without payment to the owners. Higher taxes and obligatory contributions were enforced on Polish population. Polish workers were stripped from any right to holidays or leave from work. Payment for overtime hours in work was abolished in general, only after working 61 hours in week were Poles allowed to receive a 10% higher compensation in pay (Germans were paid 100%). All employed Poles were given the lowest possible pay for their work[2]. Overall the German policy was to create lowly educated slaves out of Poles for basic work[2].
Slave labour
While in General Gouvernment all Poles from age of 14 to 65 were subject to forced labour on behalf of Nazi German state, in annexed territories children had to work from the age of 9 (and in rural areas from the age of 7-8), additionally the duty to perform slave labour for Germans was extended to the age of 70 for men in annexed territories.[62] A network of outposts overseeing gathering of labour force was established by German authortities that coordinated forced labour together with German police units.[4]
Time period | Number of Poles from annexed territories subjected to slave labour |
---|---|
13 VII 1942 | 827.000 |
20 XI 1942 | 896.000 |
15 II 1943 | 934.000 |
31 VIII 1943 | 1.066.000 |
30 VI 1944 | 1.033.000 |
7 VII 1944 | - |
15 VIII 1944 | 1.015.000 |
30 IX 1944 | 1.053.000 |
Reducing biological growth of Polish population
To reduce the biological growth of the Polish people, a partial ban of marriage was introduced-Polish women were allowed to marry only at the age of 26 and men at the age of 28[62]. Married couples were separated when subjected to forced labour in Germany, and calorie intake was lowered for Poles. The forced labour working hours for both parents often meant that a child or infant was left without care and incidents and infant deaths soared up[62]. The supply of dairy and fat products for Polish children were just one-fifth of that of German children[62]. Likewise the winter brought many deaths as Germans limited the available heating materials to one-fourth of those available to Germans[62]. A strict ban on collecting coal left by trucks and supply wagons on the streets by was introduced[62].
Madajczyk (1970) noted that to further reduce the Polish population a German official Krumey from occupied Łódż demanded that Polish women were kept in work until reaching 8.5 months of pregnancy. The aim was to help in miscarriage and provoke ‘accidents’ that would result in failed birth[18]. Nevertheless German officials were extremely worried about Polish birth rate and various other ideas floated among German leadership how to not only prevent it, but to reduce it.[18] Among the proposals were: garrisoning the population in labour camps, making the age of allowing marriage much higher, creating labour battalions out of Polish population, introducing child tax, performing abortions, an extended forced work duty throughout life of the Poles combined with relocation to work camps, finally sterilization of Polish women. Doubts about the ability to perform mass sterilization hindered this idea however, as 55% of available doctors in certain parts of annexed territories were Poles and it was thought they would sabotage the action[18]. The German state organization SD performed its own study on the problem. Among the things it concluded was the fact that the number of Poles was wrongly estimated in initial years, however both the birth rate and survival of German children was higher then that of the Poles[18]. The proposed solution to Polish problem was mass sterilization of lower classes (named “primitives” by the report), sending married Poles to slave labour in Reich. An original idea was proposed by Karl Zieger, who believed those measures to be futile. Instead he postulated that whole Polish villages should be moved and scattered into the Reich itself.[18]
Madajczyk further wrote that the Nazis felt into a trap of perception-the seemingly high birth rate of Poles was one of consequences of expelling all Poles from higher classes into General Gouvernment-as such the Poles who remained were the ones with high birth rate, while those with few kids were no longer present[18]. Madajczyk also remarks that stripping Poles of all cultural activity by the Germans and leaving them to spend all time outside of work in homes, led to conditions favourable to family life and rising birth rate. One practice that had terrible effect on Polish women was refusal for female slave workers to travel home for birth. Pregnancies by Polish women-workers were subject to abortion, and in case of birth the children were taken by SS Lebensborn. Polish slave labourers naturally were forbidden to engage in marriage[18]. The harsh nature of the German occupation however reduced the birth rate, in Poznań at the end of the war the birth rate was near zero, in Łódż and Innowrocław the birth rate was negative-they were more deaths then births[18]. In comparison, the birth rate of Germans went much up till the end of the war[18]. From 1939's birth rate survival of 850 live births per 1000 births, the rate fell to 680 per 1000 births in 1944.[18]
Discrimination of Polish language
A ban on the use of the Polish language was implemented in all institutions and offices in annexed territories, as well in certain public places like public transport in the cities.
Łuczak (1987) wrote that a particular form of oppression was a law ordering the Poles to use German in all contacts with officials under penalty of imprisonment[2]. Poles who didn’t know German had to hire a translator; however such jobs were restricted by German authorities, and Poles with knowledge of German who helped their countrymen for free were imprisoned[2]. This law covered all contacts between Poles and Germans and made it difficult, if not impossible, for Poles to pay obligatory taxes (which were higher for Poles) and various state-imposed donations for German society by Poles[2]. A total ban on Polish language was proposed during the war, but as the areas still contained a large number of Poles, it was determined to be impractical at the time of the proposal[2]. A particular form of harassment was a law requiring imprisoned Poles to communicate with their families solely in German. In practice this meant that many families received no information on their close ones as correspondence in Polish was confiscated [2].
Discrimination in education
Education standards for Poles were significantly lowered, so that in future Poles would become slaves to Germans. All Polish schools and cultural institutions were closed. Teaching of history, literature and geography to Poles was prohibited.
Łuczak (1987) wrote that the Polish population was banned from performing or creating any type of music and from owning radio receivers. Distribution of Polish books was forbidden and persecuted by the German police; at the same time Polish libraries were closed and many of their possessions destroyed[2]. Lending Polish books was punishable offense for which one could be sentenced to concentration camps[2]. In some regions schools for children were established where according to directives of Himmler Poles were to learn counting to 500, signing their name, and that obedience to Germans is ‘God’s will’[2]. Writing and reading were not taught. Even so, such schools covered a small number of Polish children, for example in Łódż only one-tenth of children between 9 and 13 attended them[2]. Often under the cover of education the Germans organised child labour, sending the children to perform hard physical work[2]. Additionally education that would enable Poles possessing skills needed in manufacturing and trade was forbidden. Poles were banned from undertaking any exams for craftsmen[2]. Throughout the whole occupation this law was strictly observed[2].
In Poznań Germans collected all Polish books and burned them[62].
Religion
Madajczyk (1970) wrote that the German state’s fight during the war to destroy the Polish nation covered religious life of Poles as well, especially in areas where in the past Poles and German state clashed already in struggle for existence[63] in events like Kulturkampf. In those places the Catholic Church mobilised Polish resistance during Prussian partitions and served as stronghold for Polish identity. Due to this Nazi’s targetted it in annexed territories. In General Gouvernment the attitude of Nazis was different as it was to serve as temporary work camp and reservation for Poles and they wanted Church’s religion to serve as tool to control Poles' (nevertheless this meant extermination and terror against priests as well opposing Nazi plans) existence[63] The Nazi fight against Polish parts of Catholic Church was also problem for German Catholic Church, where many priests supported nationalists claims of Germany during the war and were faced with split of Church itself as Polish Catholics were persecuted[63]. Overall the German hierarchy silently accepted (and in some cases supported or encouraged) the discrimination and treatment of Poles as untermenschen, with notable individual exceptions who either protested or tried to help their fellow church members of non-German ethnicity[63]. In time, as the war continued the growing split between German Catholics and persecuted Polish church facing destruction worried Vatican and the Pope himself[63]. The annexed parts of Poland covered the dioceses located in Gniezno, Poznań, Chełmno, Katowice, Włocławek, most of Łódż and Płock as well parts of Warsaw diocese, Łomża, Częstochowa and Kielce [63]. The German authorities in line with the policy of total Germanization aimed to completely destroy Polish church in those locations and replace it with German priests and structures. Polish priests were to be either expelled or exterminated[63]
The main contact point for Nazi’s in those plans was German bishop Splett, who held close relations to Nazi Albert Forster, and pursued plans to replace Polish clergy with German one. Another notable German member of the clergy was bishop Bertram who personally contacted Vatican with the request to Germanize Polish church organization[63] Only when position of German Church became threatened itself Bertram called for freedom of faith[63]. Their work was helped by the fact that as German terror grew and became widely known many high-ranking members of Polish clergy sought refugee abroad to save themselves (Germans were murdering elites of Polish nation as part of their plans) and their deputies were prevented from taking office[63]. The earliest victim was Pomorze region where almost every Polish church was closed down, robbed and turned ever into some kind of warehouse, stable or depot. Polish priests faced three waves of arrests after initial massacres[63]. Those who were arrested ended in concentration camps of Dachau and Stutthof. Monasteries were closed, their collection of arts and books stolen or destroyed by the Germans[63]. Splett cooperated with Forster and introduced 200 German priests into Chełmno diocese where he took office from December 1939. Under his reign Polish priesthood was oppressed, and prayers and masses under his direction praised Hitler. He also issued a ban against use of Polish language in churches. When he banned confessions in Polish in may 1940 Vatican intervened and ordered that the ban be lifted[63]. Not only did Splett defend his ban, he argued it was to “protect” people making the confessions[63]. After this argument he tried to claim that confessions in Polish are used for “nationalistic means” [63]. Eventually Vatican accepted his explanation[63]. Besides banning Polish language, Splett ordered removal of Polish signs and names in graveyards from monuments and graves and in all churches under his jurisdiction[63]. Albert Forster praised Splett’s work for Germany[63]
In Wartheland the Germans decided against using German priests for Germanisation. The Polish church was to disappear completely. On 13 September 1941 an decree was issued in which the German administration rejected the existence of church as legal entity in that region. Three weeks later majority of Polish priests were sent to concentration camps. Out of 6 bishops in the region, only one managed to remain-Walenty Dymek. It was Dymek who through his energetic protests finally started worrying the Vatican that it would eventually lose all of the Polish churches in the region-in no less than 2–3 months. The Vatican, concerned about the possibility of development of German National Catholic Church, intervened and as first step appointed two administrators-one for German and one for Polish population in the region[63], with Dyme appointed as administrator over Polish population. The condition of the Church in Warthegau region was catastrophic-till 1944 up to 1,300 churches and temples were closed, with 500 turned into warehouses, two were simply blown up by the Germans, others were given to Evangelical Church. Cathedrals in Poznań and Włocławek were robbed from their relics and art. Part of the looted art was destroyed by the Germans. In Gniezno the basilica was devastated[63]. In Poznań Catholic press and organizations which formed the religious centre in the religion were destroyed[63]. Most of religious monuments, rural crosses, small chapels were eradicated from the region as well[63]. Access to masses was hindered, and often Germans subjected Polish worshippers leaving the church to łapanka. Up to 80% of Polish priests were to be expelled, and massive arrests followed. Eventually Germans abandoned any public justification or explanations regarding arrests and expulsions[63]. From 2,500 priests in the Warthegau region 752 perished and 1/3 survived the war in prisons and concentration camps[63]. In Poznań out of 800 Polish priests in 1939, only 34 remained in 1943[63]. In Upper Silesia Bishop of Katowice Adamski ordered Poles to pray in German and identify as Germans. Throughout the war Adamski encouraged this with acceptance of Polish Government in Exile, in order to save the local population from German genocide[63]. In monasteries he brought Germans who would represent them to German officials. Nevertheless at least 60 were closed. To avoid accusations of personal interests, after issuing this call he publicly declared himself Polish[63] Despite Adamski’s actions the Upper Silesian Polish church was also subject of repression-43 priests were murdered in concentration camps and prisons, 2 died in executions for their collaboration with Polish resistance, 13 were expelled to General Gouvernment (including 2 bishops), several were stripped of their function[63].
Łuczak (1987) wrote that many Polish priests were arrested and put into concentration camps or prisons[2] or murdered in executions.[63] Historic churches were destroyed, and in several cases Germans defiled icons or religious items symbolic for Polish people[2]. Poles were forbidden to attend funerals of other Poles unless they were direct and close family of the person which died[2]. Several Polish churches were closed down. Selected Polish religious songs banned, while books containing them were confiscated and destroyed. Polish religious organisations were dissolved. In many places objects of religious worship of significance to Poles were destroyed or defiled[2].
Number of Polish priests killed within the territories annexed into German Reich according to Czesław Madajczyk (1970)[63]
Location of the church diocese | Number of priests in 1939 | Number of priests who perished | Number of priests who perished (percentage) | Number of priests murdered | Number of priests who died in prisons and concentration camps |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Chełmno | 634 | 303 | 47,8 | 230 | 73 |
Katowice | 489 | 43 | 8,7 | 6 | 37 |
Kielce | 357 | 13 | 3,6 | 2 | 11 |
Kraków | 680 | 30 | 4,4 | 3 | 27 |
Łomża | 292 | 48 | 16,4 | 12 | 36 |
Łódź | 347 | 126 | 36,8 | 9 | 119 |
Gniezno | 369 | 180 | 48,8 | 17 | 163 |
Płock | 382 | 109 | 28,5 | 4 | 105 |
Poznań | 681 | 212 | 31,1 | 1 | 211 |
Włocławek | 433 | 213 | 49,2 | 32 | 181 |
Warszawa | 657 | 82 | 12,4 | 32 | 50 |
Judicial system
In judicial system the proceedings against Poles were shortened. In court Poles had no legal protection[2]. Public whipping, beatings of Poles were allowed by German authorities. Public beatings of Poles by Germans were accepted by law as long as the beating did not "lower the productivity of a Pole".[2] German criminal law was introduced on Polish territories annexed to Reich on 6 VI 1940[64]. It contained several parts based solely on racial and ethnic category of the person subject to trial. Special courts were established which were granted right to pass death sentences in quick and easy way. The idea that Poles and Jews just like Germans could stand before the same court was unacceptable to German authorities[64]. The base idea of the law was to put as many as possible violations against German occupation under penalty. Prison as punishment was considered unsuitable and death sentence and whipping preferred in designed projects of the law[64]. Additionally hard labour and very hard labour were introduced as methods of punishment. The core ideology of the law and its motivation was based on racist ideology[64]. As the German Interior Ministry explained the foundation of the law was “Polish guilt which can’t be washed away, and that proves Poles are not worthy of Europe” and that the atrocious nature of Poles is the starting point of the German penal law [64]. The new law gave almost unlimited right to pass death sentences against Poles and imprisonment in concentration camps[64]. For example in Katowice a special German court passed in 40% of cases deportation to Auschwitz as punishment, and in 60% of cases death penalty. In Białystok in proceedings under the supervision of Alfred Konig, 80% of accused were sentenced to death and 15% - to concentration camps[64]. The harshness of German law was demonstrated by such cases, as 5 months of penal camp for a woman who smiled to English POW’s in Ostrów Wielkopolski [62]. A 15-year-old girl who gave a cigarette to a POW was sentenced for 3 months imprisonment in concentration camp[62]. In order to intimidate Polish population a law was passed that ordered obligatory participation in mass executions[62].
Kidnapping and murder of Polish children
Polish children were kidnapped for Germanization, forced labour and medical experiments.[4] in annexed territories. They were forbidden to enter playgrounds for German children and their healthcare was lowered resulting in rising deaths among the young[62].
madajczyk (1970) says that as the war continued the attitude of Poles changed from hostility to hatred towards the Germans, and while already animosity existed due to German oppression of Poles in XIX century, the racist and genocidal actions of German state during Second World War heightened this conflict to another level[65].
Consequences
Łuczak (1987) noted that this repressive system unified Polish reaction to German occupation, which went above political and ideological differences[2]. The German actions of forced resettlement and deportations in territories annexed by Third Reich in the end brought disadvantageous consequences for the German population. The precedent they created was used as justification in the later relocation of the German population[15]
Status of German minority
Numerous cultural events were organized for German community. A network of public schools engaging in various forms of education was set up across the territories. Reich University of Posen was set up in Poznań replacing the former Polish one. At this university, studies of Eastern Europe were conducted, including theories on extermination of non-Germans and means to Germanize the region. Chairs for race policy and Jewish history were established[66][67] Local Germans organized in Selbstschutz paramilitia units engaged in arresting Jews and Poles, the oversight of their expulsions, and murder.[68]
Łuczak noted that Nazi Germany put the Germans in a position to economically exploit the Polish society, and provided them with privileges and a comparably high standard of living at the expense of the Poles, to ensure their loyalty.[2] While certain conditions under Nazi rule were limiting the freedoms of Germans, such as the dissolution of various German religious and political associations, the Nazi regime provided for political, cultural, and material benefits.[2] Germans received executive positions from which people classified as “Untermenschen” were removed.[2] German was made the only official language.[2] Germans received the right to enter any Polish home at will to perform revision and identification of people living there at any time, and could acquire possessions from Poles and Jews with little effort and mostly without payment or at a low price. For example, a German could easily request a Polish house or apartment from the government, even if Poles were still living there.[2] As the overwhelming majority of Germans in annexed authorities supported Nazi authorities and their policies, this gave the Nazi politicians a degree of self-confidence based on popular support.[2] In Warthegau alone out of 309,002 Germans, 180,000 served in various organizations that provided assistance and were vital to Nazi plans against Poles and Jews.[2] They provided invaluable due to their knowledge of local conditions and society. Motives for cooperation ranged from ideological support for Nazism to material opportunism.[2]
madajczyk noted that the Polish diaries and memoirs from the era remember Volksdeutsche as particularly brutal and ruthless group[65]. Pomerania was noted as a region with very strong pro-Nazi German society by Polish observers as well as Łódż. Support for German nationalism was especially evident in regards to young part of the population, which was strongly influenced by Nazis ideology. The mass conscription of young Germans in military by 1942 was greeted with relief by the Polish population. When trains with wounded and crippled German soldiers started returning from Eastern Front they were welcomed alongside train tracks by groups of celebrating Polish population[65]. Local Germans were rewarded for their support in genocide of Jews and Poles and invasion of Poland by high positions in administration and increased their wealth by confiscations of Polish and Jewish property[65]. The German colonists were of wide origin and their image varied. The ones from Bessarabia were considered the worst. In all however was noted an infinite support for Hitler and belief in German state’s supremacy, Many were thankful for material benefits provided by German state. In time their attitude towards local Poles grew in harshness and ruthlessness. While some initially talked to Poles, in time as they soaked up Nazi ideology, this stopped, and some turned to violence against Poles[65]. On farms the Poles were treated by Germans as farm animals, and some Germans treated their dogs more humanely than Polish slave labourers[65].
Case study-Mława district
madajczyk assesses a case study of relationship of Germans towards Poles conducted by Polish Home Army unit in Mława. From the start of the war till spring 1942 Polish Underground performed a thorough analysis of 1,100 Germans and their actions and behaviour towards Polish population. Out of those, 9 Germans engaged in friendly relationship with Poles or tried to help them (among those were 3 craftsmen, 3 policeman, 1 camp guard, 1 administration official). The group who took supported Nazis and engaged in despicable acts was much larger [65].
Post-war changes
None of the Nazi-ordered territorial changes were recognized by the Allies of World War II, and the annexed territories were returned to re-established Poland after World War II. Germans living in the annexed territories were re-located to post-war Germany. In post-war communist Poland, some captured German Nazis and collaborators were put on trial. West Germany did not extradite people charged in Communist Poland.[citation needed]
See also
- Administrative division of Polish territories during World War II
- Former eastern territories of Germany
- Polish areas annexed by the Soviet Union
- Territorial changes of Poland
- Treatment of the Polish citizens by the occupiers
- World War II atrocities in Poland
- The Holocaust
Footnotes
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Maly Rocznik Statystyczny (wrzesien 1939 - czerwiec 1941), Ministerstwo Informacji i Documentacji, London 1941, p.5, as cited in Piotr Eberhardt, Political Migrations in Poland, 1939-1948, Warsaw 2006, p.4 [1]
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah ai aj ak al am an ao ap aq ar as at "Położenie ludności polskiej w Kraju Warty 1939-1945. Dokumenty niemieckie", Poznań 1987, pages V-XIII
- ^ "Non-Germans" under the Third Reich Diemut Majer page 188 The Johns Hopkins University Press 2003
- ^ a b c Nowa Encyklopedia Powszechna PWN Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe Warszawa 2004 page 149 volume 6
- ^ a b c d e f g Andreas Toppe, Militär und Kriegsvölkerrecht: Rechtsnorm, Fachdiskurs und Kriegspraxis in Deutschland 1899-1940, Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag, 2008, p.399, ISBN 3486582062
- ^ Hague IV SECTION III MILITARY AUTHORITY OVER THE TERRITORY OF THE HOSTILE STATE (Art. 42. and later)
- ^ a b Andreas Toppe, Militär und Kriegsvölkerrecht: Rechtsnorm, Fachdiskurs und Kriegspraxis in Deutschland 1899-1940, Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag, 2008, p.409, ISBN 3486582062
- ^ a b c d Andreas Toppe, Militär und Kriegsvölkerrecht: Rechtsnorm, Fachdiskurs und Kriegspraxis in Deutschland 1899-1940, Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag, 2008, p.398, ISBN 3486582062
- ^ Andreas Toppe, Militär und Kriegsvölkerrecht: Rechtsnorm, Fachdiskurs und Kriegspraxis in Deutschland 1899-1940, Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag, 2008, p.397, ISBN 3486582062
- ^ "Erlaß des Führers und Reichskanzlers über die Gliederung und Verwaltung der Ostgebiete"
- ^ Piotr Eberhardt, Political Migrations in Poland, 1939-1948, Warsaw 2006, p.4 [2]
- ^ Czesław Madajczyk. Polityka III Rzeszy w okupowanej Polsce pages 19-73 volume 1 , Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, Warszawa, 1970
- ^ Leni Yahil, Ina Friedman, Ḥayah Galai, The Holocaust: the fate of European Jewry, 1932-1945, Oxford University Press US, 1991, p.261, ISBN 0195045238: confirms reaching Bialystok in June 1941 and subsequent annexation of Bialystok and the surrounding area, but does not detail the counties
- ^ Bruno Wasser, Himmlers Raumplanung im Osten: Der Generalplan Ost in Polen, 1940-1944, Birkhäuser, 1993, p.20, ISBN 3764328525: confirming that B was attached, but not incorporated ("von Ostpreußen aus verwaltet")
- ^ a b c d e Piotr Eberhardt, Political Migrations in Poland, 1939-1948, Warsaw 2006, [3]: 10,568,000 people Cite error: The named reference "Eberhardt" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
- ^ Ryszard Kaczmarek Górnoślązacy i górnośląscy gauleiterzy Biuletyn IPN NR 6–7 (41–42) 2004 page 46
- ^ a b Bruno Wasser, Himmlers Raumplanung im Osten: Der Generalplan Ost in Polen, 1940-1944, Birkhäuser, 1993, p.20, ISBN 3764328525
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Czesław Madajczyk. Polityka III Rzeszy w okupowanej Polsce pages 234-286 volume 1 , Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, Warszawa, 1970
- ^ E. Wetzel, G. Hecht, Memorandum: Die Frage der Behandlung der Bevölkerung der ehemaligen polnischen Gebiete nach rassenpolitischen Gesichtspunkten. Hrsg. von der Reichsleitung, Rassenpoltisches Amt, Berlin 25.11. 1939, cited in this paper including a reference to Bundesarchiv R 49/75, page 10
- ^ a b c d e f Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, p.228, ISBN 3892446237
- ^ Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, p.225, ISBN 3892446237
- ^ a b c d Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, p.229, ISBN 3892446237 For the data of East Upper Silesia, Heinemann in a footnote refers to the book "Musterstadt" for problems with the data compiled in 1939
- ^ a b Encyclopedia Judaica, Polish Jewry, Chapter 6 at jewishgen.org [4]
- ^ a b c Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, p.193, ISBN 3892446237
- ^ The Western Review, Supp. Number for Abroad, July and August, 1947 page 49.
- ^ Stutthof museum website [5]
- ^ Temple University presenting Götz Aly, The Nazi Census, commented by Edwin Black, [6]
- ^ [7]
- ^ Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, p.190, ISBN 3892446237
- ^ Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, p.191, ISBN 3892446237
- ^ a b c d Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, p.192, ISBN 3892446237
- ^ a b Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, p.195, ISBN 3892446237
- ^ Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, p.195, ISBN 3892446237: Himmler: Ich möchte hier eine blonde Provinz schaffen
- ^ dr hab. Bogdan Chrzanowski, GŁÓWNE ZAŁOŻENIA HITLEROWSKIEJ POLITYKI GERMANIZACYJNEJ, [8]
- ^ "Germany and Eastern Europe: Cultural Identities and Cultural Differences" by Keith Bullivant, Geoffrey J. Giles, Walter Pape, Rodopi 1999 page 32
- ^ a b c Michael G. Esch in Ulf Brunnbauer, Michael G. Esch, Definitionsmacht, Utopie, Vergeltung: "ethnische Säuberungen" im östlichen Europa des 20. Jahrhunderts, LIT Verlag Berlin-Hamburg-Münster, 2006, p.111, ISBN 3825880338
- ^ HITLER'S PLANS FOR EASTERN EUROPE (Selections from Janusz Gumkowkski and Kazimierz Leszczynski, POLAND UNDER NAZI OCCUPATION)[9]
- ^ Wojciech Roszkowski Historia Polski 1914-1998
- ^ Simone C. De Santiago Ramos, M.S., DEM SCHWERTE MUSS DER PFLUG FOLGEN: ŰBER-PEASANTS AND NATIONAL SOCIALIST SETTLEMENTS IN THE OCCUPIED EASTERN TERRITORIES DURING WORLD WAR TWO, p.57 [10]
- ^ a b c Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, p.230, ISBN 3892446237
- ^ a b c Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, p.231, ISBN 3892446237
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Piotr Eberhardt, Political Migrations in Poland, 1939-1948, Warsaw 2006, p.16 [11]
- ^ Zygmunt Mańkowski; Tadeusz Pieronek; Andrzej Friszke; Thomas Urban (panel discussion), "Polacy wypędzeni", Biuletyn IPN, nr5 (40) May 2004 / Bulletin of the Institute of National Remembrance (Biuletyn Instytutu Pamięci Narodowej), issue: 05 / 2004, pages: 628, [12]
- ^ Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, p.227, ISBN 3892446237
- ^ a b Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, pp.252,253, ISBN 3892446237
- ^ Historia Encyklopedia Szkolna Wydawnictwa Szkolne i Pedagogiczne Warszawa 1993 page 357
- ^ Piotr Eberhardt, Political Migrations in Poland, 1939-1948, Warsaw 2006, p.21 [13]
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l Anna Bramwell citing the ILO study, Refugees in the age of total war, Routledge, 1988, p.123, ISBN 0044451946
- ^ Piotr Eberhardt, Political Migrations in Poland, 1939-1948, Warsaw 2006, p.24 [14]
- ^ Wysiedlenia, wypędzenia i ucieczki 1939-1959: atlas ziem Polski: Polacy, Żydzi, Niemcy, Ukraińcy.Warszawa Demart 2008
- ^ a b Piotr Eberhardt, Political Migrations in Poland, 1939-1948, Warsaw 2006, p.22 [15]
- ^ William J. Duiker, Jackson J. Spielvogel, World History, 1997: By 1942, two million ethnic Germans had been settled in Poland. page 794
- ^ Piotr Eberhardt, Political Migrations in Poland, 1939-1948, Warsaw 2006, p.25 [16]
- ^ Piotr Eberhardt, Political Migrations in Poland, 1939-1948, Warsaw 2006, p.26 [17] Eberhardt refers to Polska Zachodnia..., 1961, p.294
- ^ Piotr Eberhardt, Political Migrations in Poland, 1939-1948, Warsaw 2006, p.26 [18]
- ^ Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, pp.233ff, ISBN 3892446237
- ^ a b c Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, p.236, ISBN 3892446237
- ^ Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, p.244, ISBN 3892446237
- ^ Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, p.244-246, ISBN 3892446237
- ^ Czesław Madajczyk. Polityka III Rzeszy w okupowanej Polsce pages 485-506 volume 1 , Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, Warszawa, 1970
- ^ http://www.holocaust-trc.org/poles.htm
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l Życie codzienne w okupowanej Wielkopolsce Marta Szczesiak OBEP IPN Poznań Głos Wielkopolski 2007
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad Czesław Madajczyk. Polityka III Rzeszy w okupowanej Polsce pages 177-212 volume 2 , Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, Warszawa, 1970
- ^ a b c d e f g Czesław Madajczyk. Polityka III Rzeszy w okupowanej Polsce pages 235-259 volume 2 , Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, Warszawa, 1970
- ^ a b c d e f g Cite error: The named reference
madajczykPostawa
was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ ”Biologists under Hitler” Ute Deichmann, Thomas Dunlap Harvard University Press, 1999
- ^ “The German dictatorship: the origins, structure, and effects of national socialism” page 272 Karl Dietrich Bracher, Jean Steinberg - 1970 Praeger Publishers, 1970
- ^ The Origins of the Final Solution Christopher R. Browning, Jürgen Matthäus page 49 University of Nebraska Press, 2007