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In ancient Roman religion and myth, Jupiter or Jove is the king of the gods, and the god of the sky and thunder. He is the equivalent of Zeus in the Greek pantheon. Jupiter may have begun as a sky-god, concerned mainly with wine festivals and associated with the sacred oak on the Capitol. If so, he developed a twofold character. He received the spolia opima and became a god of war; as Stator he made the armies stand firm and as Victor he gave them victory.[1] As the sky-god, he was the first resort as a divine witness to oaths.[2] Jupiter was the central deity of the early capitoline Triad of Roman state religion, comprising Jupiter, Mars and Quirinus, who each possessed some measure of the divine characteristics essential to Rome's agricultural economy, social organisation and success in war.[3] He retained this position as senior deity among the later Capitoline Triad of Jupiter, Juno and Minerva. In the Greek-influenced tradition, Jupiter was the brother of Neptune and Pluto, each of them presiding over one of the three realms of the universe, The Sky, The Land, and The UnderWorld. Jupiter remained Rome's chief official deity throughout the Republican and Imperial eras, until displaced by the religious hegemony of Christianity.
Jupiter granted Rome supremacy because he was honoured more by the Romans than by all others: he was "the fount of the auspices upon which the relationship of the city with the gods rested". He thus personified the divine authority of Rome's highest offices, internal organization and external relations: his image in the Republican and Imperial Capitol bore regalia associated with Rome's ancient kings and the highest consular and Imperial honours.[4] Roman consuls swore their oath of office in Jupiter's name. To thank him for his help, and to secure his continued support, they offered him a white, castrated ox (bos mas) with gilded horns.[5] A similar offering was made by triumphal generals, who must surrender the tokens of their victory at the feet of Jupiter's statue in the Capitol. During one of the crises of the Punic Wars, he was offered every animal born that year.[6] In official cult, Jupiter was served by the senior of all flamines, the Flamen Dialis, whose office was attended by many unique ritual prohibitions.
Etymology
Iuppiter originated as a vocative compound of the Old Latin vocative *Iou and pater ("father") and came to replace the Old Latin nominative case *Ious. Jove[7] is a less common English formation based on Iov-, the stem of oblique cases of the Latin name. Linguistic studies identify the form *Iou-pater as deriving from the Indo-European vocative compound *Dyēu-pəter (meaning "O Father Sky-god"; nominative: *Dyēus-pətēr).[8]
Older forms of the deity's name in Rome were Dieus-pater (“day/sky-father”), then Diéspiter.[9]Dieus is the etymological equivalent of ancient Greece's Zeus and of the Teutonics' Ziu, gen. Ziewes. The Indo-European deity is thus the god from which Zeus and the Indo-Aryan Vedic Dyaus Pita are derived.
The name of the god was also adopted as the name of the planet Jupiter, and was the original namesake of Latin forms of the weekday now known in English as Thursday[10] but originally called Iovis Dies in Latin, giving rise to jeudi in French, jueves in Spanish, joi in Romanian, giovedì in Italian, dijous in Catalan, Xoves in Galcian, Joibe in Friulian, Dijóu in Provençal.
Other names
Jupiter was also known with the names Diespater and Dius.[11] Wissowa asserts these names are conceptually and linguistically connected with Diovis and Diovis Pater, comparing the analogous formations Vedius-Veiove, fulgur Dium as opposed to fulgur Summanum (nocturnal lightningbolt) and flamen Dialis based on Dius dies.[12]The Ancient later regarded them as entities separate from Jupiter. The terms are strictly allied in etymology and semantics (dies meaning daylight and Dius daytime sky), but linguistically are different words. Wissowa cites here also the epithet Dianus as noteworthy.[13][14]
Sources
Marcus Terentius Varro and Verrius Flaccus, the last through the summary of his work preserved by Sextus Pompeius Festus and his epitomist Paul the Deacon, are the main sources of information about Jupiter as well as ancient Roman religion in general. Varro was certainly acquainted with the libri pontificum and their archaic classifications.[15] On their work depend almost fully most of the authors who have handed down relevant information, such as Ovid, Virgil's commetators Servius Honoratus and Danielis Servius, Aulus Gellius, Macrobius, the Goodfathers, Dioysius of Halicarnassus and Plutarch as well as later erudites.
Aurelius Augustinus's work De Civitate Dei is one of the most important sources which have preserved theological knowledge about Jupiter as well as other Roman deities. Augustinus's critical assessment of the ancient religion is based on Varro's authoritative lost work Antiquitates Rerum Divinarum. Notwithstanding the apolegetic aim of the author his work affords a glimpse of Varro's theological presentation and hence of authentic Roman theological lore. According to Augustinus[16] Varro used pontiff Quintus Mucius Scaevola[disambiguation needed]'s tripartite theology, which distinguished a mythical theology (that of the poets, useful for the theatre), a physical theology (that of the philosophers, useful for understanding the natural world) and civil thelogy (those of the priests, useful for the State).[17] Even though Augustinus may be correct in pointing out cases in which Varro presented under the civil theology category contents that may look to belong to mythical theology, nevertheless he preserved under this heading the lore and legends ancient Romans considered their own .[18]
Theology
Georg Wissowa stressed the peculiarity of Jupiter as the only case in Indo-European religions in which the original heavenly god had preserved his name as well as his identity and prerogatives.[20] In his view Jupiter is the god of Heaven and keeps on its original conceptual identification with the sky in the conscience of Latin poets as his name is used as a synonym of sky.[21] In this respect he would be different from his Greek equivalent Zeus, who is considered a personal god, warden, dispenser of skylight and a being that was actually born of parents. His name reflects this idea as it is a derivate of the Indo-European word for bright, shining sky. His residence is to be found on the tops of the hills of Rome and of mountains in general. As elsewhere in Italy his cult is present in Rome in high locations, on the top of the Hills.[22] Jupiter has taken up atmospheric qualities, being the wielder of lightning and the master of weather. However Wissowa does acknowledge that Jupiter is not just a naturalistic heavenly supreme deity but he is in continuous communication with man by means of thunder and lightning and the flight of birds, i.e. the auspices he sends. Through his vigilant watch he is also the guardian of public oaths and compacts, the guarantor of good faith in the State cult.[23] The cult of Jupiter was common to the Italic people under the name forms Iove, Diove (Latin) and Iuve, Diuve (Oscan, in Umbrian only Iuve, Iupater in the Iguvine Tables).
His festivals and the functions discharged by priests, especially the flamen Dialis, afford a secure way of understanding the basic contents of his cult.
Wissowa considered Jupiter also a god of war and battle and of agriculture, beside his political role as guarantor of good faith public and private as Iuppiter Lapis and Dius Fidius respectively. His view is grounded on the sphere of action of the god, who intervenes in battle and influences the outcome of the harvest through weather.[24]
In Georges Dumézil's view the theology of Jupiter, as well as that of his homologous sovereign gods in the religion of other Indo-European ethnicities, offers an instance of evolution from a naturalistic supreme uranic god identified also by his name as Heaven, to a sovereign god who is wielder of lightningbolt, master and protector of the community. In other words, of the passage from a sheerly naturalistic approach to the world of the divine to one that is mainly a social and political one.[25]
In Vedic religion Dyaus Pitar remained confined to his distant, removed, apparently inactive role and the place of sovereign god was occupied by Varuna and Mitra. In Greek and Roman religion instead the homonymous gods *Diou-, Δι(digamma)-, underwent a shift and an enrichment that made of them also atmospheric deities, who by their mastership on thunder and lightning expressed themselves and made their will known to the community. In Rome, Jupiter sent also signs to the leaders of the state under the form of auspices, i. e. through birds besides thunder. The art of augury was considered regal by ancient Romans: by sending his signs Jupiter, the sovereign of Heaven communicates his advice to his terrestrial colleague, the king (rex), or his successor magistrates. The encounter of the heavenly and political, legal aspect of the deity are well represented by the prerogatives, priviledges, functions and taboos proper to his flamen, the flamen Dialis and his wife, the flaminica Dialis.
Dumézil maintains Jupiter is not in himself a god of war and agriculture even though his action and interest may extend to these spheres of human behaviour. His view is based on the methodological assumption that the correct criterion in studying a god's nature is not primarily to consider his field of action but instead the quality, way and features of his action. Consequently the analysis of the type of action performed by Jupiter in all the domains in which he operates allows him to understand that Jupiter is a sovereign god who may act in the field of politics as well as agriculture and war in his capacity as such, i.e. in a way and with the features proper to a king: sovereignity is expressed through the two aspects of absolute, magic power epitomised and represented by Vedic god Varuna and lawful right by Vedic god Mitra.[26] However sovereignity is highly peculiar in that it allows action in every field, other it would lose its essential quality. As a further proof of his view Dumézil cites the story of Tullus Hostilius, the most belligerant of the Roman kings, who was killed by Juppiter with a lightningbolt, fact which purports he did not enjoy the god's favour.
Varro's definition of Jupiter as the god who has under his jurisdiction the full blown stage of expression of every being (penes Iovem sunt summa) reflects indeed the sovereign nature of the god as opposed to the jurisdiction of Janus, god of passages and change, on their beginning (penes Ianum sunt prima).[27]
Flamen and flaminica Dialis
While some of the prescriptions concerning the behaviour of the flamen and his wife were aimed at ensuring his uninterrupted presence in Rome other throw light on the nature of Jupiter.[28]
Some prescriptions refer to heaven and testify that Jupiter is heaven: the flamen may not take out either his cloths or his apex but under a roof in order to avoid showing himself naked under the sky (i.e. "as if under the eyes of Jupiter"). His wife is feriata whenever she sees a lightningbolt until she offers a sacrifice to the gods in placation.[29]
Some prescriptions concern his direct relationship with the king and kingship: their reason and grounding are thus explained by Livy I 20, 1-2: "...thinking that the kings of such a belligerant city would take part in person to the wars, he wanted to avoid that the religious services pertaining to the king be interrupted: he thence created for Jupiter a flamen who remained always at his place and bestowed upon him the priviledge of a special clothing and of the sella curulis of the king. Morever the Dialis was the only sacerdos who was preceded by a lictor[30] and who had a seat in the Senate.[31] The flaminica and the regina sacrorum were the only who might wear the hairdressing named (in)arculata.[32]
Other rules highlight a Jupiter lord of oath and of right, absolutely free: only one among the Romans the Dialis is excluded from swearing oaths. In force of his own nature he suspends the execution of penalties. A symbolic rule highlights his freedom: he may not wear knots anywhere in his dressing, neither may he wear rings unless open and cave.
More other rules exclude him from any aspect of war or warring: he may not see the army outside the pomerium. He may not ride a horse. This group of rules makes of him the unpolluted and sacred being who is the living representative of the sacred: every day, he is feriatus. Night and day he must wear some item that expresses his function. From his home only the sacred fire can be taken. Near his bed there must be a coffer containing the sacred sweetmeats strues and ferctum. The most sacred form of marriage, confarreatio, is compulsory for him and his relatives and requires his presence. He avoids any contact with polluting items, first and foremost with everything which is dead or evokes death: corpses, funerals, funeral pires, raw meat.
In Dumézil's view the picture drawn in these set of prescriptions is that of a heavenly god, with his attributes of absolute purity and freedom, but also wielder of lightning and kingship. Within in his scope of action there are the domains of political power and right, but not battle, which belongs to Mars as the horse in this respect. His solidarity with the king is reflected in that of his earthly counterpart, the rex, with the flamen Dialis. Such a partnership has parallels in other Indo-European cultures, such as that of the Vedic rajan and his purohita and the ancient Irish rig and the chief druid.[33]
Epithets of Jupiter
As in the case of all other Roman deities the epithets of the god offer an important source of information about the underlying notion of his theological qualities. The study of these epithets must take into consideration their origin, i.e. the historical setting of the source of the given epithet.
Jupiter's most ancient attested forms of cult belong to the State cult: these include the mount cult (see section above note n. 22). In Rome this cult entailed the existence of particular sanctuaries the most important of which were located on Mons Capitolinus (earlier Tarpeius). The mount had two tops that were both destined to the discharge of acts of cult related to Jupiter. The northern and higher top was named arx and on it was located the observation place of the augurs, the auguraculum and to it headed the monthly procession of the sacra Idulia.[34] On the southern top was to be found the most ancient sanctuary of the god: the shrine of Iuppiter Feretrius allegedly built by Romulus, restored by Augustus. The god here had no image and was represented by the sacred flintstone (silex).[35] The most ancient known rites, those of the spolia opima and of the fetials which connect Jupiter with Mars and Quirinus are dedicated to Iuppiter Feretrius or Iuppiter Lapis.[36] The concept of the sky god was already overlapped with the ethical and political domain since this early time. According to Wissowa and Dumézil Iuppiter Lapis seems to be inseparable from Iuppiter Feretrius in whose tiny templet on the Capitol the stone was lodged. Another most ancient epithet is Lucetius: although the Ancient, followed by some modern scholars as e. g. Wissowa,[37] interpreted it as referred to sunlight, the carmen Saliare shows that it refers to lightning.[38] A further confirmation of this interpretation is provided by the sacred meaning of lightning which is reflected in the sensitivity of the flaminica Dialis to the phenomenon.[39] To the same atmospheric complex belongs the epithet Elicius: while the ancient erudites thought it was connected to lightning, it is in fact related to the opening of the rervoirs of rain, as is testified by the ceremony of the Nudipedalia, meant to propitiate rainfall and devoted to Jupiter.[40] and the ritual of the lapis manalis, the stone which was brought into the city through the Porta Capena and carried around in times of draught, which was named Aquaelicium.[41] Other early epithets connected with the amospheric quality of Jupiter are Pluvius, Imbricius, Tempestas, Tonitrualis, tempestatium divinarum potens, Serenator, Serenus[42][43] and, referred to lightning, Fulgur,[44] Fulgur Fulmen,[45] later as nomen agentis Fulgurator, Fulminator[46]: the high antiquity of the cult is testified by the neutre form Fulgur and the use of the term for the bidental, the lightningwell digged on the spot hit by a lightningbolt.[47]
A group of epithets has been interpreted by Wissowa (and his followers) as a reflection of the agricultural or warring nature of the god, some of which are also in the list of eleven preserved by Augustine.[48][49] The agricultural ones include Opitulus, Almus, Ruminus, Frugifer, Farreus, Pecunia, Dapalis,[50] Epulo.[51] Augustine gives an explanantion of the ones he lists which should reflect Varro's: Opitulus because he brings opem (means, relief) to the needy, Almus because he nourishes everything, Ruminus because he nourishes the living beings by breastfeeding them, Pecunia because everything belongs to him.[52] Dumézil maintains the cult usage of these epithets is not documented and that the epithet Ruminus, as Wissowa and Latte remarked, may not have the meaning given by Augustine but it should be understood as part of a series including Rumina, Ruminalis ficus, Iuppiter Ruminus, which bears the name of Rome itself with an Etruscan vocalism preserved in inscriptions, series that would be preserved in the sacred language (cf. Rumach Etruscan for Roman). However many scholars have argued that the name of Rome, Ruma, meant in fact woman's breast.[53] Diva Rumina, as Augustine testifies in the cited passage, was the goddess of suckling babies: she was venerated near the ficus ruminalis and was offered only libations of milk.[54] Here moreover Augustine cites the verses devoted to Jupiter by Quintus Valerius Soranus, while hypothesising Iuno (more adept in his view as a breastfeeder), i. e. Rumina instead of Ruminus, might be nothing else than Iuppiter: Iuppiter omnipotens regum rerumque deumque Progenitor genetrixque deum....
In Dumézil's opinion Farreus should be understood as related to the rite of the confarreatio the most sacred form of marriage, the name of which is due to the spelt cake eaten by the spouses, rather than surmising an agricultural quality of the god: the epithet means the god was the guarantor of the effects of the ceremony, to which the presence of his flamen is necessary and that he can interrupt with a clap of thunder.[55]
The epithet Dapalis is on the other hand connected to a rite described by Cato and mentioned by Festus.[56] Before the sowing of autumn or spring the peasant offered a banquet of roast beef and a cup of wine to Jupiter : it is natural that on such occasions he would entreat the god who has power over the weather, however Cato' s prayer of s one of sheer offer and no request. The language suggests another attitude: Jupiter is invited to a banquet which is supposedly abundant and magnificent. The god is honoured as summus. The peasant may hope he shall receive a benefit, but he does not say it. This interpretation finds support in the analogous urban ceremony of the epulum Iovis, from which the god derives the epithet of Epulo and which was a magnificent feast accompanied by flutes.[57]
Epithets related to warring are in Wissowa' s view Iuppiter Feretrius, Iuppiter Stator, Iuppiter Victor and Iuppiter Invictus.[58] Feretrius would be connected with war by the rite of the first type of spolia opima which is in fact a dedication to the god of the arms of the defeated king of the enemy that happens whenever he has been killed by the king of Rome or his equivalent authority. Here too Dumézil notes the dedication has to do with regality and not with war, since the rite is in fact the offer of the arms of a king by a king: a proof of such an assumption is provided by the fact that the arms of an enemy king captured by an officer or a common soldier were dedicated to Mars and Quirinus respectively.
Iuppiter Stator was first attributed by tradition to Romulus, who had prayed the god for his almighty help at a difficult time the battle with the Sabines of king Titus Tatius.[59] Dumézil opines the action of Jupiter is not that of a god of war who wins through fighting: Jupiter acts by causing an inexplicable change in the morale of the fighters of the two sides. The same feature can be detected also in the certainly historical record of the battle of the third Samnite War in 294 BC, in which consul Marcus Atilius Regulus vowed a temple to Iuppiter Stator if "Jupiter will stop the rout of the Roman army and if afterwards the Samnite legions shall be be victouriously massacred...It looked as if the gods themselves had taken side with Romans, so much easily did the Roman arms succeed in prevailing...".[60][61] in a similar manner one can explain the epithet Victor, whose cult was founded in 295 BC on the battlefield of Sentinum by Quintus Fabius Maximus Gurges and who received another vow again in 293 by consul Lucius Papirius Cursor before a battle against the Samnite legio linteata. Here too the religious meaning of the vow is in both cases an appeal to the supreme god by the Roman chief at a time when as a chief he needs divine help from the supreme god, even though for different reasons: Fabius had remained the only political and military responsible of the Roman State after the devotio of P. Decius Mus, Papirius had to face an enemy who had acted with impious rites and vows, i. e. was religiously reprehensible.[62]
More recently Dario Sabbatucci has given a different interpretation of the meaning of Stator within the frame of his structuralistic and dialectic vision of Roman calendar, identifying oppositions, tensions and equilibria: January is the month of Janus, at the beginning of the year, in the uncertain time of winter (the most ancient calender had only ten months, from March to December). In this month Janus deifies kingship and defies Jupiter. Moreover January sees also the presence of Veiovis who appears as an anti-Jupiter, of Carmenta who is the goddess of birth and like Janus has two opposed faces, Prorsa and Postvorta (also named Antevorta and Porrima), of Iuturna, who as a gushing spring evokes the process of coming into being from non-being as the god of passage and change does. In this period the preeminence of Janus needs compensating on the Ides through the action of Jupiter Stator, who plays the role of anti-Janus, i. e. of moderator of the action of Janus.[63]
Juppiter Tonans ("Thundering Jove") was the aspect (numen) of Jupiter venerated in the Temple of Juppiter Tonans, which was vowed in 26BCE by Augustus and dedicated in 22 on the Capitoline Hill; the Emperor had narrowly escaped being struck by lightning during the campaign in Cantabria.[64] An old temple in the Campus Martius had long been dedicated to Juppiter Fulgens. The original cult image installed in the sanctuary by its founder was by Leochares,[65] a Greek sculptor of the 4th Century BCE. The sculpture at the Prado (illustration) is considered to be a late first century replacement commissioed by Domitian. The Baroque-era restoration of the arms gives Jupiter a baton-like scepter in his raised hand. .
Epithet list
List of epithets in the Pauly Real Encyclopädie (1890) p. 1142-1144 compiled by Carl Olof Thulin:
- Adventus O. M. (arrival, birth)
- Aetetus O. M.
- Almus
- Amaranus
- Anxurus ("of Anxur, now Terracina")
- Appenninus ("of the Appennines")
- Arcanus (protector of the arca, arcane: at Praeneste)
- Balmarcodes O. M.
- Beellefarus
- Bronton (thundering)
- Cacunus
- Caelestis O. M. (Heavenly)
- Caelus O. M.
- Capitolinus O. M. ("of the Capitol")
- Casius ("of Mount Casius"; worshipped at Antiochia)
- Ciminius (of Mount Ciminus, now Mount Cimino)
- Clitumnus (of river Clitumnus)
- Cohortalis O. M.
- Conservator ("preserver")
- Culminalis O. M.
- Cultor ("cultivator")
- Custos ("protector, warden")
- Damascenus O. M. ("of Damascus)
- Dapalis (from daps: dinner, banquet)
- Defensor O. M.
- Depulsor O. M.
- Depulsorius O. M.
- Dianus
- Dolichenus ("of Dolichus[disambiguation needed]"; it is the ancient Teshub of the Hittites)
- Domesticus
- Diovis
- Elicius (who sends forth, elicits)
- Epulo (who gives or takes part in banquets)
- Exsuperantissimus O. M.
- Fagutalis (of the Fagutal: the god had a temple near an old oak there)
- Farreus (from the confarreatio, according to Wissowa and Dumézil.)
- Feretrius (who is carried around or whom spoils are carried to on a frame or litter)
- Fidius (fusion with Dius Fidius)
- Flagius (worshipped at Cuma)
- Frugifer (who bears fruits)
- Fulgur
- Fulgurator
- Fulmen
- Fulminator
- Grabovius (in the Iguvine Tables: who is carried around on a cerimonial litter, from Etruscan crapis cerimonial litter)
- Hammon O. M. (worshipped in the oasis of Siwa)
- Heliopolitanus (of Heliopolis, present day Baalbek)
- Hercius
- Imbricitor (who soaks in rainwater)
- Impulsor
- Indiges (later the divine identification of Aeneas)
- Inventor
- Invictus
- Iurarius (of oaths)
- Iutor (benefictor, beneficient)
- Iuventas
- Lapis (flintstone: the f. sends sparkles similar to lightning)
- Latiaris
- Liber (who is free, or who frees, also the semen)
- Liberator
- Libertas
- Lucetius (shining, for his lightningbolts)
- Maius (majestic, great) at Tusculum
- Maleciabrudes
- Monitor O. M. (leader, warner)
- Nundinarius (patron of the nundinae)
- Obsequens (agreeable, complacent)
- Opitulator or Opitulus (reliever)
- Optimus Maximus (O. M.)
- Paganicus
- Pantheus
- Patronus
- Pecunia
- Pistor (baker)
- Pluvialis (of the rains)
- Poeninus
- Praedator
- Praestes (present, protector) at Tibur
- Praestabilis
- Praestitus
- Propagator O. M.
- Propugnator
- Puer (child)
- Purgator (purifier)
- Purpurio O. M.
- Quirinus (fusion with Quirinus)
- Rector (who rules)
- Redux
- Restitutor
- Ruminus (who breastfeeds)
- Salutaris O. M.
- Savazios (fusion with Sabatius)
- Sempiternus
- Serapis (fusion with Serapis)
- Serenator (who clears the sky)
- Serenus ("clear, serene, calm; happy")
- Servator O. M. ("saviour, preserver, observer")
- Sospes ("saviour")
- Stator
- Striganus
- Succellus (fusion with Celtic god Succellus)
- Summanus
- Tempestas
- Terminus
- Territor (who scares)
- Tifatinus (of Mount Tifata near Capua)
- Tigillus (beam of the universe)
- Tonans (thundering)
- Tonitrator (who generates thunder)
- Tutator (warden)
- Valens (strong, sound, effective)
- Versor (who overthrows or who pours rain)
- Vesuvius (worshipped at Capua)
- Viminus (of the Viminal Hill place in which the god had a temple)
- Vindex (protector, defensor)
- Vircilinus
By aspect:
- Jupiter Caelus ("Heaven").
- Jupiter Caelestis ("heavenly").
- Jupiter Elicius ("who calls forth [celestial omens]" or "who is called forth [by incantations]") "sender of rain".
- Jupiter Feretrius ("who carries away the spoils of war"; called upon to witness solemn oaths[66] - cf. "by Jove"). The epithet or “numen” is probably connected with ferire, the stroke of ritual as illustrated in foedus ferire, of which the silex, a quartz rock, is evidence in his temple on the Capitoline hill, which is said to have been the first temple in Rome, erected and dedicated by Romulus to commemorate his winning of the spolia opima from Acron, king of the Caeninenses, and to serve as a repository for them. Iuppiter Feretrius was therefore equivalent to Iuppiter Lapis, the latter used for a specially solemn oath[67] According to Livy I 10, 5 and Plutarch Marcellus 8, the meaning of this epithet is related to the peculiar frame used to carry the spolia opima to the god, the feretrum, from verb fero.
- Jupiter Centumpeda: (literally: "he who has one hundred feet") "he who has the power of stablishing, i. e. of rendering stable, bestowing stability on everything", since he himself is the paramount of stability.
- Jupiter Fulgur, Fulgurator or Fulgens ("of the lightning").
- Jupiter Lucetius ("of the light"). This epithet is almost certainly related to the light or flame of lightningbolts and not to daylight, as it is apparent from the Jovian verses of the carmen Saliare.[68]: cume tonas, Leucesie, prai ted tremonti....
- Jupiter Optimus Maximus (" the best and greatest"). Optumus because of the benefits he bestows ( optimus is a superlative formed on ops, ancient form optumus from opitumus, cf. the epithet Opitulus), Maximus because of his strength, according to Cicero Pro Domo Sua.[69]
- Jupiter Pluvius ("sender of rain").
- Jupiter Ruminus: "breastfeeder of every living being" (Augustine).
- Jupiter Stator (from stare meaning "standing"): "he who has power of founding, instituting everything" (Augustine), thence also he who makes people, soldiers, stand firm and fast.
- Jupiter Summanus (sender of nocturnal thunder).
- Jupiter Terminalus or Iuppiter Terminus (patron and defender of boundaries).
- Jupiter Tigillus: "beam or shaft that supports and holds together the universe" (Augustine CD VII 11).
- Jupiter Tonans ("thunderer").
- Jupiter Victor (led Roman armies to victory): "he who has the power of conquering everything" (Augustine above).
By synchronization or geography:
- Jupiter Ammon (Jupiter was equated with the Egyptian deity Amun after the Roman conquest of Egypt)
- Jupiter Brixianus (Jupiter equated with the local god of the town of Brescia in Cisalpine Gaul (modern North Italy)
- Jupiter Capitolinus, the Jupiter Optimus Maximus, venerated in all the places in the Roman Empire with a Capitol (Capitolium)
- Jupiter Dolichenus (from Doliche in Syria, originally a Baal weather and war god), since Vespasian popular among the Roman legions as god of war and victory, esp. on the Danube (Carnuntum). Stands on a bull, a thunderbolt in the left, a double ax in the right hand.
- Jupiter Indiges (Jupiter "of the country" - a title given to Aeneas after his death, according to Livy)
- Jupiter Ladicus (Jupiter equated with a Celtiberian mountain-god and worshipped as the spirit of Mount Ladicus in Gallaecia, northwest Iberia[70] preserved in the toponym Codos de Ladoco[71]
- Jupiter Laterius or Latiaris ("God of Latium")
- Jupiter Parthinus or Partinus (Jupiter was worshiped under this name on the borders of north-east Dalmatia and Upper Moesia, perhaps being associated with the local tribe known as the Partheni)
- Jupiter Poeninus (Jupiter was worshiped in the Alps under this name, around the Great St Bernard Pass, where he had a sanctuary)
- Jupiter Solutorius (a local version of Jupiter worshipped in Spain; he was syncretised with the local Iberian god Eacus)
- Jupiter Taranis (Jupiter equated with the Celtic god Taranis)
- Jupiter Uxellinus (Jupiter as a god of high mountains)
In addition, many of the epithets of Zeus can be found applied to Jupiter, by interpretatio romana. Thus, since the hero Trophonius, of Lebadea in Boeotia, is called Zeus Trophonius, this can be represented in English, as it would be in Latin, Jupiter Trophonius. Similarly, the Greek cult of Zeus Meilichios appears in Pompeii as Jupiter Meilichius. Except in representing actual cultus in Italy, this is largely nineteenth century usage; modern work will distinguish between Jupiter and Zeus.
List of eleven epithets given by Augustine ( De Civitate dei VII 9; translation of Virginia.edu, with some alterations):
Victor: he who conquers all things.
Invictus: he who is conquered by none.
Opitulus: he who brings help to the needy.
Impulsor: he who has the power of impelling.
Stator: he who has the power of establishing, instituting, founding.
Centumpeda: he who has the power of rendering stable, lasting.
Supinalis: he who has the power of throwing on the back.
Tigillus: he who holds together, supports the world.
Almus: he who nourishes all things.
Ruminus: he who nourishes all animals.
Pecunia: he to whom everything belongs.
Cult
Sacrifices
The sacrificial victims (hostiae) offered to Jupiter were the ox (castrated bull), the lamb (on the Ides, the ovis idulis) and the whether (on the Ides of January)[72] . The animals were required to be white. The question of the sex of the lamb is debated as while the lamb is generally supposed to be a male, on the festival of vintage opening the flamen Dialis sacrificed a she lamb.[73] This rule seems to have seen many exceptions, as the sacrifice of a ram on the Nundinae by the flaminica Dialis shows.
Temples
Temple of Capitoline Jupiter
The largest temple in Rome was that of Jupiter Optimus Maximus on the Capitoline Hill. Here, Romans worshipped him alongside Juno and Minerva, forming the Capitoline Triad. Jupiter was also worshipped at Capitoline Hill in the form of a stone, known as Iuppiter Lapis or the Jupiter Stone, which was sworn upon as an oath stone. Temples to Jupiter Optimus Maximus or the Capitoline Triad as a whole were commonly built by the Romans at the center of new cities in their colonies.
The building was begun by Tarquinius Priscus and completed by the last king of Rome, Tarquinius Superbus. It was inaugurated, by a tradition recorded by the historians, on September 13, at the beginning of the Republican era, 509BCE.
The temple building stood on a high podium with an entrance staircase to the front. On three of its sides it was probably surrounded by a colonnade, with another two rows of pillars drawn up in line with those on the façade of the deep pronaos which precedes the three cellae, ranged side by side in the Etruscan manner, the central one being wider than the other two.
The surviving remains of the foundations and of the podium, most of which lie underneath Palazzo Caffarelli, are made up of enormous parallel sections of walling made in blocks of grey tufa-quadriga stone (cappellaccio) and bear witness to the sheer size of the surface area of the temple's base (about 55 x 60 m).
On the roof was a terracotta quadriga, a chariot drawn by four horses, with God Jupiter himself as the charioteer, made by the Etruscan artist Vulca of Veii in the 6th Century BCE and commissioned by Tarquinius Superbus; it was replaced by a bronze one in 296BCE. The cult image was also by Vulca and of the same terracotta material; its face was painted red on festival days (Ovid, Fasti, 1.201f). Beneath the cella were the favissae, or underground passages, in which were stored the old statues that had fallen from the roof, and various dedicatory gifts.
The temple was rebuilt in marble after fires had worked total destruction in 83BCE, when the cult image was lost, and the Sibylline Books kept in a stone chest. Fires followed in 69CE, when the Capitol was stormed by the supporters of Vitellius and in 80CE.
In front of the steps was the altar of Jupiter (ara Iovis). The large square in front of the temple (the Area Capitolina) featured a number of temples dedicated to minor divinities, in addition to other religious buildings, statues and trophies.
Its dilapidation began in the fifth century when Stilicho carried off the gold-plated doors, and Narses removed many of the statues in 571CE.
When Hadrian built Aelia Capitolina on the site of Jerusalem, a temple to Jupiter Capitolinus was erected in the place of the destroyed Temple in Jerusalem.
Other temples in Rome
There were two temples in Rome dedicated to Iuppiter Stator: the first one was vowed and built in 294 BC by Marcus Atilius Regulus after the third Saamnite War. It was located on the Via Nova, below the Porta Mugonia, ancient entrance to the Palatine .[74] The annalistic tradition has attributed to Romulus its first founding[75].Wissowa opines at best there may have been an earlier fanumshrine, as the cult of the god is attested epigraphically.[76] E. Aust claims June 27 given by Ovid is the day of the dedication of the temple after its restoration by Augustus on the grounds of the rule of the dedication on the Ides for the temples of Jupiter. This assumption might find support in the calendar of Philocalus which gives on the Ides of January (13): Iovi Statori c(ircenses) m(issus) XXIV. This date may be the original day of the dedication of the temple.[77]
A second temple of Iuppiter Stator was built and dedicated by Quintus Caecilus Metellus Macedonicus after his triumph in 146 BC near the Circus Flaminius. It was connected to the restored temple of Iuno Regina with a porch (porticus Metelli).[78]
Iuppiter Victor had a temple dedicated by Quintus Fabius Maximus Gurges during the third Samnite War in 295 BC: its location is unknown, it might be on the Quirinal on which an inscription reading D]iovei Victore[79] has been found or on the Palatine according to the Notitia in the Liber Regionum (regio X) reading: aedes Iovis Victoris. Either of them might have been dedicated either on April 13 or June 13, days of Iuppiter Victor and of Iuppiter Invictus respectively in Ovid's Fasti. [80]
Inscriptions of the imperial age have revealed the existence of an otherwise unknown temple of Iuppiter Propugnator on the Palatine.[81]
Rites
Ides
All the Ides were sacred to Jupiter, because on that day the heavenly light shines uninterrupted day and night.[82] Every month on that day was sacrificed to Iuppiter his statuted sacrificial animal, a white lamb (ovis idulis), after being taken in procession to the arx through the via sacra.[83] In the extant calendaries a selection of Ides is marked with the annotation feriae Iovis, but there is no doubt that in the complete texts this same annotation was to be found by every Ides according to Wissowa.
Dumézil opines instead that Juppiter's link with Ides is to be found in the complex of the peculiar days of the month: Janus as god of beginnings is patron of the Kalends, thence the reason of the patronage of Juppiter on the Ides is his jurisdiction on the summa. For the same reasons the Janiculum (entrance hill) and the Capitol (arx) belong to the two gods respectively. Ovid has emphasized this assumption in the first book of his Fasti: for the kalends of January he underlines the feature of primus of Janus and for the Ides the sequence magnus, maior, maximus, summus referred to Augustus (as compared to Jupiter v. 608).
The date of the foundation of the temples of Jupiter (13 September Iuppiter Optimus Maximus, 13 April Iuppiter Victor, 13 June Iuppiter Invictus, perhaps 13 January Iuppiter Stator) and the two epula Iovis ( 13 September and 13 November) fall on the Ides too.[84]
Vintage and wine
The most ancient calendars show that the festivals of vintage belong to Jupiter. Wissowa explains this link as due to the fact that grapes were the most susceptible of damage and dependent on the whims of the sky among the agricultual products. Despite acknowledging this obvious fact Dumézil and his followers stress the regal nature of wine, due to its inebriating and exhilirating power: wine would be the drink appropriate to the king of the gods, and analogous in meaning to Vedic Soma.
There were three festivals connected with vintage and wine.
The Vinalia altera or rustica (so named because it was held in the countriside) of August 19, which was devoted to asking for good weather in the last month before the beginning of vintage.[85] The beginning of vintage was not a fixed day but depended on the stage of the ripening of grapes.[86] The opening of vintage was marked by a sacrifice of a sheep (agna) to Iuppiter and cut the first grape between caesa et porrecta by the flamen Dialis.
The end of vintage was marked by the festival of the Meditrinalia of October 11, when the newly pressed most was tasted and cut with old wine.[87] This festival belonged to Jupiter as testified by the Fasti Amiternini and not to an imaginary goddess Meditrina. The study of this festival has been completed by Dumėzil who has shown it was based on the practise of cutting the most with one year old wine in order to control the fermentation process.[88]
The Vinalia priora of April 23 were devoted to offering the new wine to Jupiter and connected to the legend of the vow of Aeneas of all the wine of Latium to the god before the battle with Mezentius. It entailed the offer of wine to the god: large quantities of it were spilt in a ditch near the temple of Venus Erycina (dedicated in 217 BC by Q. Fabius Maximus the general), which was located on the Capitol.[89] The connection between Venus and Jupiter seems to be due to the belief of the Romans that both were dispensers of victory.
Regifugium and Poplifugium
Wissowa had already connected the poplifugia (July 5) to Jupiter[90] on the authority of Cassius Dio XLVII 18 and of the Fasti Amiternini (feriae Iovis). The original nature of these two festivals remains obscure even though scholars have advanced tentative interpretations. Dumézil hinted to their interrelation and their connection with regality. Ancient and modern scholars tend to reject the traditional explantion that sees in the Regifugium a commemoration of the expulsion of the king Tarquin the Proud and in the poplifugium of the defeat of the Allia or of the flight of the people at the announcement of the death of Romulus.
Jean Bayet,[91] Jacques Heurgon,[92] Paul-M. Martin[93] and Dario Sabbatucci[94] have advanced a hypothesis based on the power of the king on the calendary and the yearly symbolical flight was part of a ritual renewal of his own magic powers which with the end of the year had become exhausted and needed a boost. This period of vacancy took place precisely between the Regifugium of February 24, day that followed immediately the festival of Iuppiter Terminus on the 23, and March 1, day that marked the birht of the New Roman Year, when the lunar cycle comes to coincide again with the solar cycle and the incertitudes of change during the two winter months are over. This period of transition and disappeareance of the king was in fact in correspondence with the end of the past year and the waiting for the arrival of the new one. André Magdelain has advanced the hypothesis that the yearly interregnum devised to deal with the temporary vacancy of power took place on the days between February 24 and March 1.[95] Sabbatucci opines that the Poplifugium should be linked to the Regifugium through its correspondent situation at the beginning of the second half of the year when months are named according to their order number (Quintilis...December), i.e. the two deaths of the king. Jean Gagé thinks the murder of Servius Tullius happened on this date as Tarquin the Proud and his wife Tullia would have taken advtange of the occasion to show and prove in public that Servius has lost the favour of the gods (especially Fortuna).[96]
Epula Iovis
Two festivals under this name took place on September 13, day of the foundation of the Capitoline temple, and on November 13, day of the ludi plebei. The last one seems to be the most ancient and originally the rite seems to have been integral part of the plebeian games and not of the great games of the celebrations of September.[97] In the III century BC the epulum Iovis became similar to a lectisternium.
Ludi
The most ancient Roman games followed after one day (considered dies ater) the two Epula Iovis of September and November. The games of September were named Ludi Magni and originally were not held every year, later they became the yearly Ludi Romani [98]and were held in the Circus Maximus after a procession from the Capitol. Their establishment was attributed to Tarquinius Priscus[99] and linked to the cult of Jupiter on the Capitol Romans themselves acknowledged analogies with the triumph which Dumézil think can be explained with the common Etruscan origin: the magistrate in charge of the games dressed like the triumphator and the pompa cicensis looked like a triumphal procession. Wissowa and Mommsen argue that they were a detached part of the triumph on the above grounds[100], conclusion which Dumézil rejects.[101] The games The Ludi Plebei took place in November in the Circus Flaminius. Both were dedicated to Jupiter. Mommsen argued that the epulum of the Ludi Plebei was the model of that of the Ludi Romani, but Wissowa finds the evidence for this assumption insufficient.[102] The Ludi Plebei were probably established in 534 BC. The belonging of these to the cult of Jupiter is testified by Cicero In Verrem V 36 and Paulus s.v. ludi magni p. 122 M.
Larentalia
The feriae of december 23 were devoted to a great ceremony which saw the participation of some of the highest religious authorities (probaly the flamen Quirinalis and the pointiffs) in honour of Acca Larentia or Larentina. The fasti Praenestini marks the day as feriae Iovis as does Macrobius.[103] It is unclear whether the rite of parentatio was itself the reason of the festival of Jupiter or if this was another festival that happened to fall on the same day. Wissowa excludes their identiy as Jupiter and his flamen might not be involved in any way with the Underworld or the deities of death, let alone be present to a funeral rite held at a grave site.[104]
Nundinae
According to tradition these festival days were instituted by king Servius Tullius.[105] They recurred every nineth day. Their purpose was to order the business of the city and the countriside and make known the religious and political provisions issued by the king to the people of the countriside,[106] to give the inhabitants of the pagi the opportunity of holding market and of being informed about the edicts of the king which were affixed in public for three consecutive nundinae.[107] Their religious quality was sanctioned by a sacrifice of a ram to Jupiter held by the flaminica Dialis.[108][109]
Rites of the fetials
The fetials were a sodalitas or collegium of twenty people devoted to the religious administration of the international affairs of the Roman State. They were a common institution of the Latins and of other Italic people. [110] Their task was to preserve and apply the ius fetiale, a complex of procedures which enabled Rome to ensure the protection of the gods in its relationship with foreign states. According to G. Dumėzil , the initial contract concluded with the gods and extended through the sacra and the signa is sufficient to justify the acts of official religious authorities (such as pontiffs and augurs) within the Roman ager. Actions beyond this boundary require an additional religious foundation, based not only on ius but also, on a deeper level, the fas on which ius is based. This is the task of the fetials who achieve their aim through the *feti-, word that as Vedic dhātu means founding. They rely on a set of ceremonies that give a religious value to the political or military decisions of the magistrates, ensuring that under any circumstance Rome has the gods on her side. Besides offering their advice on international issues to the senate or the consuls the sodalitas dispatches two envoys (the pater patratus and the verbenarius the last one having the only task of carrying the sagmina taken from the Capitol Hill0 to ask for the reparations, to declare war in a form that is pious and just and lastly to conclude the peace. The god under whose protection they act and whom the pater patratus invokes is Iupiter Lapis in the rite of the conclusion of a treaty[111]and in general when there an agreement is reached. If the declaration of war ensues the fetial calls as witnessses Jupiter, Juno (or Janus, correction accepted by most editors) , Quirinus, the heavenly, earthly and nether gods of the violation of the ius and declares war within thirtythree days. [112]
The action of the fetials falls in any case solely under Jupiter's jurisdiction as god defensor of good faith: the fetials take the symbols of their office of representatives of the god of justice and good faith, the silex (later the sceptre) from the temple of Iuppiter Fertriusand the sagmina vervain, also one of the cult implements of Jupiter, from the nearby arx .[113]
Triumph
The triumph that the senate decrees to the victorous general is the most appariscent manifestation of the accord between Jupiter and the Roman people. The general is indebted to the god for his success and has to satisfy it at the head of his army, the triumping general becomes for some time the human double of the god: crowned with a laurel wreath he advances on a chariot, dressed like the god (Iovis O. M. ornatu decoratus)[114] , his face painted red with minium as that of the god in the temple. In his right hand he holds a branch of laurel and in his left an ivory sceptre surmonted by an eagle. The cortage is opened by the senators followed by the white sacrificial animals, the booty, the high ranking prisoners; then comes the general followed by the soldiers, who with absolute freedom address him mixing praises and satire. At the foot of the Capitol he steps down, walks up the slope and in the temple he hands over to the god the laurel.
The religious meaning of this ceremony was of great importance for the Romans: Jupiter was thus really praesens among his people, assuring their hopes and adding to their feeling of safety.
Myths
Jupiter had no myths in Rome in early times. After the Hellenistic influence on Roman culture became pervasive he was identified with Greek Zeus and inherited his myths.
Praeneste records his myth of infancy since the earliest times: he was represented as suckled by goddess Fortuna together with Juno. At the same time he was the father of Fortuna. Jacqueline Champeaux sees this contradiction as the result of successive different cultural and religious phases in which a wave of influence coming from the Hellenic world made of Fortuna the daughter of Jupiter.
Legends
Since Jupiter is the king of the gods unsurprisingly the legends concerning him are mainly related to kings and kingship.
Numa
Faced by a severe spell of bad weather that endangered the harvest during one early Spring king Numa resorted to the scheme of asking the advice of the god by evoking his presence. He succeded through the help of Picus and Faunus whom he had caught prisoners though the stratagem of making them drunk. The two gods through a charm evoked Jupiter who was forced to come down onto Earth at the Aventine (hence named Iuppiter Elicius according to Ovid). After Numa had skilfully avoided the requests of the god for human sacrifices Jupiter agreed to condescend to his request of knowing the means by which lightningbolts are averted, asking only for the substitutions Numa had mentioned: an onion head, hairs and a fish. Moreover Jupiter promised that at the sunrise of the following day he would give to Numa and the Roman people sure pawns of the imperium. The following day after three throwing three lightningbolts in a clear sky Jupiter sent down from heaven a shield. Since this shield had no angles Numa named it ancile and because in it resided the fate of the imperium had many copies made of it in order to disguise it. He asked the smith Mamurius to make the copies and gave them to the Salii. In reward Mamurius expressed only the wish that his name were sung in the last of their carmina.[115]
Tullus Hostilius
Relationship with other gods
Janus
The issue of the relationship between Jupiter and Janus is the subject of a lengthy philosophical disquisition by Augustine.[116] In the passages quoted by Augstine Varro defines Juppiter as the god who has potestas, rules, over the causes by which anything happens in the world. However Janus has the priviledge of being invoked first in rites since in his power are the beginnings of things (prima), while Jupiter has in his their achievement (summa): it is thence correct that Jupiter be considered the king of every thing, as the beginnings of things are overcome by their achieved condition , since even though the beginnings come first in time, the achieved state is superior in value. Dumézil considers Varro' s a model theological definition. [117] Augustine in his discussion does not hesitate to understand the summa as the ultima that he thinks should be in Terminus's power and contends that as Jupiter is the master of the efficient causes, which must come first also in time, there is thence a contradiction in Varro's definitory distinction: he thus misses the mening of Janus as the god of passage and becoming.
Saturn
Saturn was considered by Latins the predecessor of Jupiter, who had reigned on Latium in a mythical golden age that was reenacted every year for one day (later longer) on the festival of the Saturnalia. He also continued to enjoy mastership on agriculture and money, developments which masked his true original nature.
Although Jupiter later took Saturns's place as king of the gods, among the Latins the accession of the new god did not entail any story of fighting as it was the case in Greece for Cronus and Zeus. Saturn continued to be revered in his temple at the foot of the Capitol Hill, which itself had been long been named Saturnius and still was in Varro's times,[118] in the area Saturni, the location of the original altar of the god and after 497 BC of his temple.[119]
Some scholars think this complex shows the god is a sovereign god and not a god of the dumezilian third function (i. e. a chthonic god of fertility, plenty and riches) as his surviving domains of action suggest.[120] Particularly the power of subverting the civil and also the natural order, apparent in the festival of the Saturnalia, in which the time of the golden age is reinstated by the turning around of the normal social rules and unlimited feasting, the power of magically creating a state of plenty in the mythic past and of destroying the weapons of the enemy, attribute of his paredra Lua Mater[121] denote the nature of a sovereign god. The sovereignity of Saturn is that of magical kingship proper to Vedic god Varuna as it is apparent in his power of establishing of a condition of perpetual happiness out of the primordial chaos. Saturn does not acknowledge either laws or borders.[122] The connection of the god with the mythical primordial condition of the universe is also reflected in Varro's definiton (preserved by Augustine) of Saturn as one of the principal gods who has the mastership over every sowing.[123]
Fides
One of the most ancient gods associated with Jupiter. This abstract personification had a cult since the creation of the religious rites by king Numa: the three flamines maiores offer her an yearly sacrifice at her sacellum with their right hands wrapped in white cloth (mandraculum) down to the fingers.[124] Wissowa supposes her temple, which was built around the middle of third century BC, should have been necessarily preceded by a sacellum as the annalistic tradition requires.[125] The association of Fides with Jupiter is reflected in her own significance of guarantor of public faith, in the archaic features of her sacrificial rite and in the location of her tempke on the Capitol, in the immediate proximity of that of Capitoline Jupiter.[126]
Dius Fidius
Varro states his teacher Aelius Stilo called this god Diovis filium, i.e. Dius Filius as the Grreek Διόσκορον Castorem on the grounds of the alternance of the letters d and l in the Sabine tongue and identified him in Sabine Sancus and Greek Hercules. [127]Even though this assumption is not linguistically correct as in the Iguvine Tables the god is named Fis(i)us or Fisovius Sancius his intrepretation, based on unknown theological documents, tallies with that of some modern scholars.[128]The god is certainly not a mere aspect of Jupiter but a separate entity, known in Rome as Semo Sancus Dius Fidius. Wissowa argues that while Jupiter is the god of the Fides Publica Populi Romani as Iuppiter Lapis, by whom the most important oaths are sworn, Dius Fidius is a peculiar deity established for the everyday use, i. e. in charge of the protection of good faith in private affairs: he would be the correspondent of Ζευς Πίστιος.[129]This view may well reflect a later development but is not the original interpretation since Dius Fidius was not confined to the private fides in early times, when matters of public relevance (such as the first international treaty of Rome, the one with Gabii) were preserved in his shrine, i. e. put under his jurisdiction. Remarkable is the fact that the shrine of Sancus had no roof as it was deemed inappropriate and ineffective to swear oaths unless under the sky and the Capitolin temple had an opening in its roof too.
The association of Dius Fidius with Jupiter is thence one of divine filiation (though uncertain in the details, some scholars opine he is none else than Hercules[130]) as well as of similarity of functions in the sphere of the sacrality of oaths and good faith in general. Dumézil underlines the peculiar intertwining and mixing of Jupiter and Dius Fidius as both are wardens of oaths and wielders of lightningbolts and both require an opening in the roof of their tempkes, while leaving unanswered the question of the true identity of the last one.[131]
The relationship between the two gods is certain as both are in charge of oath, are connected with clear daylight sky and can wield lightning bolts. This overlap of functional characters has generated confusion about the identity of Sancus Dius Fidius either among ancient and modern scholars, as Dius Fidius has sometimes been considered another theonym for Iupiter.[132] The autonomy of Semo Sancus from Jupiter and the fact that Dius Fidius is an alternate theonym designating Semo Sancus (and not Jupiter) is shown by the name of the correspondent Umbrian god Fisus Sancius which compounds the two constituent parts of Sancus and Dius Fidius: in Umbrian and Sabine Fisus is the exact correspont of Fidius, as e.g. Sabine Clausus of Latin Claudius.[133] The fact that Sancus as Jupiter is in charge of the observance of oaths, of the laws of hospitality and of loyalty (Fides) makes him a deity connected with the sphere and values of sovereignty, i.e. in Dumézil's terminology of the first function.
G. Wissowa advanced the hypothesis that Semo Sancus is the genius of Jupiter.[134] W. W. Fowler has cautioned that this interpretation looks to be an anachronism and it would only be acceptable to say that Sancus is a Genius Iovius, as it appears from the Iguvine Tables.[135] The concept of a genius of a deity is attested only in the imperial period.
Theodor Mommsen, William W. Fowler and Georges Dumezil among others rejected the accountability of the tradition that ascribes a Sabine origin to the Roman cult of Semo Sancus Dius Fidius, partly on linguistic grounds as the theonym is Latin and no mention or evidence of a Sabine Semo is found near Rome, while the Semones are attested in Latin in the carmen Arvale. In their view Sancus would be a deity who was shared by all ancient Italic peoples, whether Osco-Umbrian or Latino-Faliscan.[136]
The details of the cult of Fisus Sancius at Iguvium and those of Fides at Rome,[137] such as the use of the mandraculum, a piece of linen fabric covering the right hand of the officiant, and of the urfeta (orbita) or of the orbes ahenei, sort of small bronze disc brought in the right hand by the officiant at Iguvium and also deposed in the temple of Semo Sancus in 329 B.C. after an affair of treason [138] confirm the parallelism.
Some aspects of the ritual of the oath for Dius Fidius, such as the proceedings under the open sky and/or in the compluvium of private residences and the fact the temple of Sancus had no roof, have suggested to romanist O. Sacchi the idea that the oath by Dius Fidius predated that for Iuppiter Lapis or Iuppiter Feretrius, and should have its origin in prehistoric time rituals, when the templum was in the open air and defined by natural landmarks as e.g. the highest nearby tree.[139] Supporting this interpretation is the explanation of the theonym Sancus as meaning sky in Sabine given by Johannes Lydus, etymology that however is rejected by Dumézil and Briquel among others.[140]
All the known details concerning Sancus connect him to the sphere of the fides, of oaths, of the respect of compacts and of their sanction, i. e. the divine guarantee against their breach. These values are all proper to sovereign gods and common with Jupiter (and with Mitra in Vedic religion).
Genius
"Genius is the god who is in charge and has the power of the generating every thing"..." Genius is the rational spirit of everyone, thence everybody has his own". These are Varro's definitions as quoted by Augustine.[141] Augustine concludes arguing that Jupiter should thence be considered the genius of the universe, on the authority of Valerius Soranus' definition quoted above.
Censorinus on the other hand cites Granius Flaccus as saying that "the Genius was the same entity as the Lar" in his lost work De Indigitamentis.[142] Dumézil opines that the attribution of a Genius to the gods should be earlier than its first attestation of 58 BC, in an inscription which mentions the Iovis Genius.[143] It is noteworthy that among the Etruscan Penates there is a Genius Iovialis who comes after Fortuna and Ceres and before Pales .[144] The Genius Iovialis is one of the earthly Penates and not one of the Penates of Jupiter though, these being located in region I of Martianus Capella' s division of Heaven, while Genius appear in regions V and VI along with Cers, Favor (possibly a Roman approximation to an Etruscan male manifestation of Fortuna) and Pales.[145] Wissowa identifies Sancus as a Genius of Jupiter, while W. Warde Fowler opines this interpretation is wrong and Sancus should be seen as a Genius Iovius, i. e. a hypopstasis of his.
The archaic triad
The so called archaic triad is a theological structure or system made up by gods Jupiter, Mars and Quirinus, not a triad proper. It was first described by Wissowa[146]thereafter its concept was further developed by Dumézil.[147]The three-functional hypothesis of Indoeuropean society advanced by Dumézil maintains in prehistoric times it was diveded in three classes (the priests, the warriors and the craftsmen and merchants) which had as their religious counterpart the divine figures and theological functions of the sovereign god, the warrior god and the civil god. The sovereign function entailed omnipotence, thence a domain extended over every aspect of nature and life and a power expressed in the violent, uncanny and terrible magic action of Vedic god Varuna and in the establishing of lawful right expressed in the contractual action of god Mitra. The colour of the sovereign function is white. The warring function is represented by Mars (Indra in Vedic religion), the god of military valour and prowess, who gains victory by these means. Its colour is red. The civil function is the closest to the life of common people having jurisdiction on wealth, fertility and pleasure: it is represented by the Aśvin twins in Vedic religion and in Rome by Quirinus. Its colour is green.
The three functions are interrelated with one anther and overlap to some extent: particularly the sovereign function, even though being essentially religious in nature, is involved in many ways in areas pertaining to the other two. So Jupiter is the almighty magic player in the founding of the Roman state and the fields of war, agricultural plenty, human fertility and welfare.
In Dumézil's view the three-functional structure of society might have left some traces in Roman society in the three supposedly original tirbes of the Ramnenses, Titienses and Luceres. He cites the three chariots corresponding to the three tribes and bearing the colours of Mars (red0, Jupiter (white) and Venus (green) mentioned by John the Lydian and the pompa circensis described by Ovid.[148]
The archaic triad existed also in Iguvium as testified by the Iguvine Tables in which there is a triad of Grabovii and a corresponding minor triad mentioned in the rite at the three gates of the towns: Iove Grabovius, Marte Grabovius and Vofionus Grabovius to whom correspond Trebus Iovius, Fisus sancius and Tefre Iovio.[149]
The Capitoline triad
The Capitoline triad was introduced in Rome by the Tarquins. It is attested in Greece only in the Phokikon in Phocis. Scholars think it might have been an Etruscan or even local creation on the grounds of Vitruvius' treatise on architecture, in which the three deities are associated as the most important. [150]
It is possible that the Etruscans gave particular relevance to Menrva as a goddess of destiny beside the royal couple Uni Tinia. In Rome however this role was not relevant and the goddess was worshipped mainly as the patroness of crafts[151]. Minerva later took up more military connotations under the influence of Athena Pallas (Polias). She was sometimes identified with Mars' paredra Nerio in military rites. To his Etruscan founders the meaning of this triad might have been related to peculiarly Etruscan ideas on the association of the three gods with the birth of Herakles and the siege of Troy, in which Minerva plays a decisive role as a goddess of destiny along with the sovereign couple Uni Tinia.[152]
However in Dumézil's view with the advent of the republic Jupiter is the only king of Rome and has become the only great god of the state, no longer just the first of the great gods, owing to the obsolecence of the archaic theological structure. Jupiter receives the homage both of the humble commoner and of the highest magistrates in charge with administration of the state.
On the Capitol every Roman adoloscent must come and offer a sacrifice to Jupiter as soon as he first wears the toga virilis.[153] and the consuls open their year of office: after taking the auspices the previous night the new heads of the state come to the Capitol wearing the insignia of power accompanied by the senate, the magistrates and the people: they offer the sacrifice vowed by their predecessors and make their own vows. The senate with the consuls enter the temple and holds its first session, devoted to discussing religious matters.[154] On the Capitol the consul organises the draft[155] and convokes the magistrates of the Latins and other allies to inform them of the number of soldiers they must provide[156], the senate deliberates on war, truces and peace[157], the consul makes the vows for the military success in a majestic ceremony[158]. On the Capitol a statue is erected to the citizen or commander that has distinguished himself by order of the senate.
The Capitol was the stage of the final ceremony of a triumph.The religious meaning of this ceremony was of great importance for the Romans: Jupiter was thus really praesens among his people, assuring their hopes and adding to their feeling of safety.
In fact Jupiter was the only lord of his temple: the vow and dedication had been made only to him, the two goddesses were thence just his guests and no ceremony was devised to honour or even just remind the triad as such.[159]
Summanus
The god of nocturnal lightning has been variously interpreted as an aspect of Jupiter, i. e. a chthonic manifestation of the god or an independent god of the underworld. It is however significant that his statue was placed on the top of the roof of the temple of Capitoline Jupiter and among the epithets of Jupiter himself there is to be found Iuppiter Summanus.[160] G. Dumézil sees the opposition Dius Fidius Summanus as complementary interpreting it in the light of his theory of an original ambiguity of the the sovereign god, exemplified in the opposition of the couple Mitra-Varuna in Vedic religion.[161] The complementarity of the epithets is shown in inscriptions often found on a puteal or bidental reciting either fulgur Dium conditum [162]or fulgur Summanum conditum.[163]Thisfact tallies also with the supposed etymology of Summanus as deriving from sub and mane, i.e. denoting the time before the morning.
Liber
Iuppiter had an association with Liber through his epithet of Liber, association which has not yet been fully explained by scholars owing to the scarceness of early documentation.
In the past it has been maintained that Liber was nothing else than a progressively detached hypostasis of Jupiter and consequently that the festivals of vintage were to be attributed only to Iuppiter Liber.[164]Such a hypotheseis has been rejected by Wissowa as groundless even though he himself has been a supporter of the jovian origin of Liber.[165]Olivier de Cazanove[166] opines it is very difficult to admit that Liber, who is present in the most ancient calendars, that of Numa, in the Liberalia and in the month of Liber at Lavinium[167] be a derivation from another deity. Moreover such a derivation would find support only in epigraphic documents mainly from the Osco-Sabellic area: the association Iuppiter Liber is testified first in Oscan and Sabellic territory[168]: Wissowa sets the position of Iuppiter Liber within the frame he draws of an agrarian Jupiter. The god had a temple under this name also on the Aventine in Rome which was restored by Augustus and dedicated on September 1. Here the god was sometimes named Liber[169] sometimes Libertas.[170] Wissowa opines the relationship should be sought in the concept of creative abundance through which the supposedly severed Liber might have been connected[171] to Greek god Dionysos, even though both deities might not have been since the beginning related to viticulture.
Other scholars opine that there was no other Liber than a god of wine since the most ancient times.[172] O. de Cazanove[173] has argued that the domain of the sovereign god Jupiter was that of sacred, sacrificial wine (vinum inferium[174]), while that of Liber and Libera was confined to profane wine (vinum spurcum[175]), obtained through two distinct fermentation processes. The offer of wine to Liber was made possible by naming the mustum (grape juice) stored in amphors sacrima.[176] Sacred wine was obtained by the natural fermentation of the juice of grapes that were absolutely free from flaws of any type, either religious (e. g. those striken by lightningbolts, come into contact with corpses or wounded people, coming from an undressed grapryard) or other, by only cutting it with old wine, profane wine might be obtained through many kinds of manipulation (e.g. by adding honey mulsum, using raisins passum, by boiling defrutum) however the sacrima used at the time of the offer to the two gods for the conservation of grapeyards, vessels and wine itself after the pressing[177] was obtained only by pouring the juice into amphors.[178] The mustum was considered spurcum dirty, and as such not usable in sacrifices.[179] The amphor, itself not an item of sacrifice, allowed the presentation of the content on atable or could added to asacrifice; this happened at the auspicatio vindamiae for the first grape[180] and for ears of corn of the praemetium on a dish (lanx) at the temple of Ceres.[181]
Dumézil on the other hand sees the relationship between Jupiter and Liber as grounded in the social and political relevance of the two gods, who were both considered patrons of freedom: the Liberalia of March were since the earliest times the occasion for the ceremony of the wearing of the toga virilis or libera, which marked the acquiring of the status of adult citizens by the youngsters. Augustine relates that these festivals had a particularly obscene character: a phallus was taken to the fields on a cart and then back in triumph to town. In Lavinium they lasted a whole month during which everybody uttered baudry jokes. The most honest matronae were supposed to publicly crown the phallus with flowers in order to ensure a good harvest and repeal the fascinatio (evil eye).[182] In Rome in the temple of the couple Liber Libera were placed representations of the sex organs. The couple in fact presided over the male and female components of generation and the liberation of the semen.[183] This complex of rites and beliefs shows the divine couple's jurisdiction extended over fertility in general and not only that of grapes. The etymology of Liber (archaic form Loifer, Loifir) was explained by Émile Benveniste as formed on the IE theme *leudh- plus suffix -es-: its original meaning is "the one of germination, he who ensures the sprouting of crops".[184]
The relationship of Jupiter with freedom was however a common belief of all the Roman people as is proved by the dedication of the Mons Sacer to the god after the first secession of the plebs. Later inscriptions also show the unabated popular belief in Jupiter as bestower of freedom in the imperial era.[185]
Veiove
Scholars have always been puzzled by Ve(d)iove (or Veiovis or Vedius) and unwilling to discuss his identity, claiming our knowledge of this god is insufficient.[186] Most do agree though that Veiove is a sort of anti-Iove or an underworld Jupiter, on the basis of the information given by Gellius[187], who states his name is made up by adding the prefix ve, here denoting deprivation or negation, added to Iove , whose name in turn Gellius supposes to be rooted in verb iuvo, I benefit. Dario Sabbatucci has stressed the feature of bearer of instability and of antithesis to the cosmic order of this god, who threatens the kingly power of Jupiter as Stator and Centumpeda and whose presence occurs side by side with Janus's on January 1. Preller ha dsuggested the hypothesis Veiovis might be the sinister double of Jupiter.[188]
In fact the god, under the name Vetis, is placed in the last case (no. 16) of the outer rim of the Piacenza Liver, before Cilens (Nocturnus) who ends (or in the Etruscan vision begins) the disposition of the gods. In Martianus Capella's division of Heaven he is to be found in region XV (together with the dii publici): as such he numbers among the infernal or antipodal gods. The location of his two temples in Rome, near those of Jupiter (one on the Capitoline Hill, in the low between the arx and the Capitolium, the other on the Tiber Island near that of Iuppiter Iurarius, later also known as temple of Aesculapius)[189]may be significant in this respect along with the fact he is considered the father[190] or son of Apollo, perhaps because he was depicted carrying a bunch of arrows. The date of his festivals seems to support the same complex, as they fall on January 1[191]March 7[192] and May 21[193] on the recurrence of the Agonalia dedicated also to Janus, that were celebrated by the king with a sacrifice of a ram. The question of the sacrifice to the god too is debated: Gellius states capra she goat, however some scholars think it should be a ram. This sacrifice happened rito humano which may mean with the rite proper to a human sacrifice.[194] Gellius concludes his passage stating this god is one of those who receive sacrifices in order to obtain their refraining from causing harm.
The arrow was an ambivalent symbol as it was used in the ritual of the devotio: the general who vowed himself had to stand on an arrow.[195] It is on the grounds of the character of the arrow that Gellius considers Veiove as a god who must receive worship to obtain his abstention from doing harm, along with Robigo and Averruncus. [196] Maurice Besnier has remarked that a temple to Iuppiter was vowed by praetor Lucius Furius Purpureo before the battle of Cremona against the Cenomanes Gauls.[197] An inscription found at Brescia in 1888 shows that Iuppiter Iurarius was worshipped there[198]and one found on the south tip of Tiber Island in 1854 that there was a cult to the god on the spot[199].Besnier speculates that L. Furius had evocted the chief god of the enemy and built a temple to him in Rome outside the pomerium. The Fasti Praenestini too on January 1 record the festivals of Aesculapius and Vediove on the Island while Ovid in the Fasti speaks of Jupiter and his grandson[200]. Livy records that in 192 BC duumvir Q. Marcus Ralla dedicted to Jupiter on the Capitol the two temples promised by L. Furius Purpureo, one of which was that vowed during the war against the Gauls.[201]Besnier would accept a correction to Livy's passage proposed by Jordan so as to read aedes Veiovi in aedes duae Iovi 's stead. Such a correction though concerns the temples dedicated on the Capitol and does not bear on the question of the dedication of the temple on the Island that is the vexed point since the place is attested as dedicated to the cult of Iuppiter Iurarius and also of Vediove in the Fasti Praenestini epigraphically and to Jupiter in Ovid's words. It looks that the two gods may have beeen seen as equivalent: Iuppiter Iurarius is a sort of awesome and vengeful god, parallel to the Greek Zeus Orkios, the avenger of perjury.[202]
Venus
The legend of Aeneas made of Venus the ancestress of the Romans. During the first Punic War the Romans had acknowledged as their brothers the people of Segesta as they too considered themselves descendents of Aeneas. The Romans had victoriously defended the goddess on Mount Eryx. The Aphrodite of Eryx had thereaftere become the main influence on the formation of the concept of Roman Venus. This Aphrodite was a composite deity, in whom Greek aspects were mixed with Semitic elements: her dominant features were pleasure and fecundity.[203] The Romans though were mainly affected by the memory of the long resistance on the mount and to them Venus became a bestower of victory. Roman coins portray her wearing a crown and laurels and sometimes she is associated with victory.
For this reason in 217 BC Quintus Fabius Maximus Verrucosus (also known as Cunctator) vowed a temple that he deicated two years later on April 23, the day of the Vinalia priora. His grandfather Quintus Fabius Maximus Gurges had dedicated the temple of Venus Obsequens on August 19 the day of the Vinalia rustica. R. Schilling has detected in this link the repeated intention of associating Venus with Jupiter, the master of the Vinalia.
The choice of the location of her temple shows that the Erycina was not considered a foreigner: it was within the pomerium and moreover on the Capitol Hill, near the seat of Iuppiter O. M. The rite devised for the festival of April 23 was an effusion of new wine, that was spilt in great quantities in the ditch next the goddess' temple: iIt linkrd her cult with the traditional feast and the legend of the victory bestowed by Jupiter to Aeneas in appreciation of his vow ofall the new wine of the whole Latium to the god.[204]
The association of Venus and Jupiter was also perhaps grounded on theological grounds as is implied by Varro' s detailed presenattion in his "De Lingua Latina" [205]: Venus is the cause and origin of life, life being due to the conjunction of fire semen and water humour, Venus being the force which holds them together. The poets say the firy semen fell from heaven into the sea and thence Venus was born from the foams out of the conjunction of fire and humour, the force of their union being named Venus. Life (vita) would mean born from this force (vis). The true meaning of the phrase Venus victrix should thence be understood as a noun from verb vincire to bound, not from vincere to win. Venus and Victoria would express the same notion as denoting bondage. Both are named caeligenae born by Heaven: the Earth is first bound by Heaven and then Victoria, thence Venus wears a crown and Victoria bears the palm, both symbols of bondage.
Victoria
Victoria was a personified entity strictly connected to Iuppiter Victor in his role of bestower of military victory. Jupiter as the sovereign god was naturally considered as having the power of conquering anybody and anything in a supernatural, magic wise, wherefore his contribution to military victory was different from that of Mars, god of military valour . Victoria appears first on the coins of the first Punic War on the reverse of coins representing Venus, driving the quadriga of Jupiter, with her head crowned and with the palm in her hand. Sometimes she is also represented walking and carrying a trophy.
A temple was afterwards dedicated to the goddess on the Palatine, testifying her high station in the Romans's mind. When Hieron of Syracuse presented a golden statuette of the goddess to Rome the senate had it placed in the temple of Capitoline Jupiter, among the highest and most sacred deities.[206]
Even though Victoria played a foremost role in the religious ideology of the late Republic and of the Empire she is not attested in earlier times. A function similar to hers might have been played by the little known Vica Pota.
Terminus
Juventas and Terminus were the gods that according to legend[207] refused to be exaugurated and to leave their sites on the Capitol when the construction of the temple of Jupiter was undertaken. Thence they had to be reserved a sacellum within the new temple. Their stubborness was considered a good omen as it would guarantee youth, stability and safety to Rome on its site[208]. This legend is generally thought by scholars to reflect their strict connexion with Jupiter. In Fact an inscription has been found near Ravenna reading Iuppiter Ter.[209], showing Terminus is nothing else than an aspect of Jupiter, i. e. the affinity between the boundary stone and the god.
Terminus is usually considered the god of boundaries public and private and he is so portrayed in literature. The religious value of the boundary stone is well expounded by Plutarch[210] who ascribes to king Numa the construction of temples to Fides and Terminus and the delimitation of the Roman territory. Ovid gives a vivid description of the rural rite at the boundary of fields of neighbouring peasants on February 23, the day of the Terminalia[211]. On that day the Roman pontiffs and magistrates held a ceremony at the sixth mile of the Via Laurentina, ancient border of the Roman ager, which preserved a religious value.
However this festival marked in fact the end of the year and as such was linked to time more directly than to space, fact testified by Augustine's apologetical discussion of the role of god Janus in respect to endings[212]. Dario Sabbatucci and has underlined the temporal affiliation of Terminus of which a reminder should be found in the rite of the regifugium.[213]
G. Dumézil on the other hand views the function of this god as associated to the legalistic aspect of the sovereign function of Jupiter: Terminus would be the counterpart of Vedic minor sovereign god Bagha, who oversees the just and fair division of goods (flock) among citizens.[214]
Iuventas
Along with Terminus Iuventas (also known as Iuventus and Iuunta, archaic) should represent an aspect of Jupiter, as the legend of her refusal to leave the Capitol Hill shows. Her name has the same root of Juno (from Iuu-, young, youngster) and in fact the cerimonial litter bearing the sacred goose of Juno Moneta stopped before her sacellum on the festival of the goddess. Later she was identified with Greek Hebe. The fact that Jupiter himself is strictly related with the concept of youth is shown by his epithets Puer, Iuuentus and Ioviste (interpreted as the youngest by some scholars). Dumézil remarked the presence of the two minor sovereign deities Bagha and Aryaman beside Vedic sovereign gods Varuna and Mitra, though more associated with Mitra: this couple would be reflected in Rome in Terminus and Iuventas. Aryaman is in fact the god of the young soldiers: similarly the function of Iuventas is that of protectress of the iuvenes, the novi togati of the year, who are required to go and offer a sacrifice to Jupiter on the Capitol[215] and also the Roman soldiers, function later attributed to Juno. King Servius Tullius in reforming the Roman social organisation required that every adolescent upon entering the class of the adults to offer a coin to the goddes of Youth.[216]
In Dumézil's analysis the function of Iuventas, personification of youth, was thence be the control of the entranc e of young men in society and their protection til they are in the age of iuvenes or iuniores, i. e. of serving the state as soldiers.[217]
A temple of Iuventas was vowed in 207 BC by consul Marcus Livius Salinator and dedicated in 191 BC [218]
Penates
Arnobius citing Caesius states the Etruscan Penates were named Fortuna, Ceres, Genius Iovialis and Pales, but also that according to Nigidius Figulus they included those of Jupiter, Neptune, of the infernal gods and of mortal men[219]. This complex conception is reflected in Martianus Capella 's division of Heaven found in book I of his work De Nuptiis Mercurii et Philologiae who places the Di Consentes Penates in region I along with the Favores Opertanei, in region V Ceres and Genius, in region VI Pales, Favor and Genius again, in region VII Secundanus Pales, in region XI Fortuna and Favor Pastor. The disposition of these divine entities and their repetitions in different locations might be due to the fact that Penates belonging to different categories (heavenly in region I, earthly in region V, human and of the underworld) or are intended. Favor(es) may be an Etruscan male equivalent of Fortuna.[220]
Jupiter in the political history of Rome
Although Jupiter was strictly connected with kingship, sovereignity and political power he was also considered the protector of lawful right and of the whole Roman commonwealth.
Throughout the history of ancient Rome the kings first and later the patres established their political power and justified their domination on the grounds of being the sole depositaries of the auspices, claiming a monopoly on the right of interpreting the will of the gods which allowed them to exert the imperium.
During the regal period the kings had to be inaugurated and (perhaps) to prove every year that they still enjoyed the favour of the gods in the rite of the regifugium.
With the establishment of the republic the patricians appropriated the auspices and thence for a long period sequestrated political power. While in previous times the favour of the gods was bestowed on an individual and usually for life, with the advent of the republic it was bestowed only for a limited period of time and there was a sharing of power between two people, the two consuls, and the censor.
Jupiter favoured the kings, lastly the Etruscan ones, but after their fall he turned to favour the patres. Soon after however the plebs obtained the recognition of its rights with the approval of the leges sacratae. The plebeians maintained that they were on the side of righteousness and thence had a claim also to the protection of the supreme god. Thus the plebs consacrated to Jupiter the Sacer mons at the end of the first secession.[221]
According to G. Dumézil the fall of the monarchy entailed an increase in the majesty of the unic position of Jupiter: the god became the only effective rex of Rome. Kings had enjoyed much higher prestige than republican magistrates and were considerd closer to the sovereign god, even though annalistic historians depicted them as similar to magistrates. With the dedication of the Capitoline temple Jupiter became Optimus Maximus. Because of these reasons Capitoline Jupiter finds himself in a delicate position: his figure continues during the republic the ancien regime. He bestows power on the magistrates who pay their respects to him, but at the same time he is the model of that which is now forbidden, abhorred and scorned. [222]
During the republican period kingship had become the object of a taboo and it was the greatest crime to show an attitude remindful of it (affectatio regni). The ambitious ones who try and emulate the ancient kings seem to enjoy the protection of the god for a while, but in the end he forsakes them. Some famous characters of Roman history incurred into this fault and were punished for it according to the seriousness of their guilt: for example Manlius Capitolinus and Furius Camillus, both had made such claims to kingship and were punished based seriousness of their guilt. The first was ritually executed by throwing down of the Tarpeian cliff (the penalty reserved for high treason) and the second had to go into exile. Furius had mounted a quadriga driven by four white horses during a triumph, an honour reserved to Jupiter himself.[223] Manlius had actually behaved like a king after the expulsion of the Gauls.[224]
Jupiter 's kingship was the source of Rome's mission of power and conquest: Capitoline Jupiter gave an intimation in this sense with the miracle of the human uncorrupted head found by diggers during the works for the laying of the foundations of the temple, as it was interpreted by the haruspex Olenus Calenus.
The other aspect of the history of Rome in which the god played a significant role was the long struggle between the patres and the plebs. According to Dumézil Jupiter being the god of tradition does not favour the progress of the plebs, delays it and shows his disapproval about it, but he does not wish to be involved in the conflict too deeply and as a sovereign god remains above the sides.
Jupiter was honoured by the consuls on the Capitol on entering office and on the annual feriae of the Capitol in September. The plebs too held the ludi plebeii in honour of Jupiter in November.[225]
Jupiter outside Rome
Iuppiter Latiaris
The cult of Iuppiter Latiaris was the most ancient known cult of the god : it was practised since very remote times on the top of the Mons Albanus on which the god was venerated as the high protector of the Latin League, which was under the hegemony of Alba Longa.
After the destruction of Alba by king Tullus Hostilius the cult was forsaken. The god manifested his discontent through the prodigy of a rain of stones: the commission sent by the senate to inquire into it was also greeted by a rain of stones and heard a loud voice from the grove on the summit of the mount requiring the Albans to perform the religious service to the god according to the rites of their country. In consequence of this event the Romans istituted a festival of nine days (nundinae). However a plague ensued: in the end Tullus Hostilius himself was affected and lastly killed by the god with a lightningbolt.[226] The festival was reestablished on its primitive site by the last Roman king Tarquin the Proud under the leadership of Rome.
The feriae Latinae, or Latiar as they were known originally[227], were the common festival (panegyris) of the so called Priscan Latins and of the Albans.[228]Their restoration aimed at grounding Roman hegemony on this ancient religious tradition of the Latins. The ancient cult was reinstated unchanged as is testified by some archaic features of the ritual: the exclusion of wine from the sacrifice[229] the offers of milk and cheese and the ritual use of rocking among the games. Rocking is one of the most ancient rites mimicking ascent to heaven and is very widespread. At the Latiar the rocking took place on a tree and the winner was of course the one who had swung the highest. This rite was said to have been instituted by the Albans to commemorate the disappearence of king Latinus, in battle against Mezentius the king of Caere: the rite symbolised a search for him both on earth and in heaven. The rocking as well as the customary drinking of milk was also considered to commemorate and ritually reinstate infancy.[230] The Romans in the last form of the rite brought the sacrificial ox from Rome and every participant was bestowed a portion of the meat, rite known as carnem petere[231] Other games were held in every participant borough. In Rome a race of chariots (quadrigae) was held starting from the Capitol: the winner drank a liquor made with absynth[232]. This competition has been compared to the Vedic rite of the vajapeya: in it seventeen chariots run a phoney race which must be won by the king in order to allow him to drink a cup of madhu, i. e. soma.[233]The feasting lasted for at least four days, possibly six according to Niebuhr, one day for each of the six Latin and Alban decuriae.[234] According to different records 47 or 53 boroughs took part in the festival (the listed names too differ in Pliny NH III 69 and Dionysius of Halicarnassus AR V 61). The Latiar became an important feature of Roman political life, they were feriae conceptivae, i. e. their date varied each year : the consuls and the highest magistrates were required to attend shortly after the beginning of the adminitration. They could not start campaigning before its end and if any part of the games had been neglected or performed irritually the Latiar had to be wholly repeated. The inscriptions from the imperial age record the festival back to the tyime of the decemvirs.[235] Wissowa remarks the inner linkage of the temple of the Mons Albanus with that of the Capitol apparent in the common association with the rite of the triumph [236]: since 231 BC some triumphing commanders had triumphed there first with the same legal features as in Rome.[237]
Iuppiter Arcanus
Arcanus was the epithet of one of the Jupiters worshipped at Praeneste.[238] His theology and cult are strictly connected to that of the Fortuna Primigenia worshipped in the famous sanctuary there. He is the protector of the lots sortes stored in the arca, whence his epithet.[239] G. Dumézil attempted a purely Indoeuropean interpretation of the theology of Fortuna and of her relationship with Juppiter and Juno[240], other scholars see the subcessive accretion of a Greeek-Etruscan and then a later Greek influence on Fortuna and the theological structure underlying her relationship to Jupiter, i. .e. earlier the child and then the parent of Fortuna.[241] Jacqueline Champeaux interprets the boy represented on the cista of the III century BC from Praeneste, now at the Archaeological Museum of Villa Giulia in Rome, as Jupiter puer[242] and arcanus: the image engraved on it represents a boy sitting in a cave, reading a lot inscribed on a tablet. This might be a mythic illustration of the working of the oracle, in which Jupiter is at one time the child (puer) who ritually draws the rods of the lots (here while decyphering one) and their keeper, arcanus.
The sortes of Praeneste were inscribed on rods of chestnut wood: they had sprung out of earth fully inscribed when a certain Numerius Suffustius cut the earth open with his spade, under the indication of some dreams.[243]
Other Italic Jupiters
Jupiter was worshipped also under the epithets of Imperator Maximus in Praeneste, Maius in Tusculum [244], Praestes in Tibur[245], Indiges at Lavinium[246]and Anxurus at Anxur[247] (now Terracina), where he was represented as a young man without beard.
In Umbro-Oscan areas he was Iuve Grabovius in the Iguvine Tables, Iuppiter Cacunus (of the top of mountains, cf. Latin cacumen and Iuppiter Culminalis), Iuppiter Liber (see section on Liber above), Diuve Regature in the Table of Agnone that Vetter interprets as Rigator[248], he who irrigates, and Dumézil as Rector, he who rules and Diuve Verehasus tentatively rendered by Vetter as Vergarius.
In language
Romans believed that Jove presided over cosmic Justice, and swore by Jove in law courts to witness the oath.[249] This practice is the origin of the common expression "By Jove!" still used as an archaism today. The adjective "jovial" originally described people born under the lucky planet of Jupiter,[250] who were supposed by nature to be jolly, optimistic, and buoyant in temperament.
Notes
- ^ Victor became an intermediary feminine personification Victoria.
- ^ Fides had a similar function, but was feminine. Mars was also a deity of both agriculture and war, and was offered a sheep, a suckling pig and a bull for his continued protection of the fields and family. Cited by Halm, in Rüpke (ed), 239. See also Cato the Elder, On Agriculture, 141. The Colline deity Quirinus may have equivalent in some way to both Mars and Jupiter: "Quirinus, perhaps the war god of the Quirinal settlement or the god who presided over the assembled citizens." Howard Hayes Scullard, (2003), A History of the Roman World, 753 to 146 BC, page 393. Routledge.
- ^ For a summary regarding the nature, status and complex development of Jupiter from regal to Republican era, see Beard et al., Vol. 1, 59 - 60. For the conceptual difficulties involved in discussion of Roman deities and their cults, see Rüpke, in Rüpke (ed) 1 - 7.
- ^ Orlin, in Rüpke (ed), 58.
- ^ Scheid, in Rüpke (ed), 263 - 271.
- ^ Beard et al, Vol 1, 32-36: the consecration made this a "Sacred Spring" (ver sacrum). The "contract" with Jupiter is exceptionally detailed. All due care would be taken of the animals, but any that died or were stolen before the scheduled sacrifice would count as if already sacrificed. Sacred animals were already assigned to the gods, who ought to protect their own property.
- ^ Most common in poetry, for its useful meter, and in the expression "By Jove!"
- ^ "Indo-European and the Indo-Europeans". American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language (4th ed. ed.). 2000. Retrieved 2008-09-27.
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has extra text (help) - ^ Varro Lingua Latina V 66.
- ^ English Thursday, German Donnerstag, is named after Thunor, Thor, or Old High German Donar from Germanic mythology, a deity similar to Jupiter Tonans
- ^ Wissowa above p. 100 citing Varro LL V 66:"The same peculiarity is revealed even better by the ancient name of Jupiter: since once he was named Diovis and Diespiter, that is Dies Pater (Day Father); consequently the beings issued from him are named dei (gods), dius (god), diuum (day) hence the expressions sub diuo and Dius Fidius. This is why the temple of Dius Fidius has an opening in the roof, in order to allow the view of the diuum i. e. the caelum sky" tr. by J. Collart quoted by Y. Lehmann below; Paulus p. 71:"dium (the duvunised sky), who denotes what is in the open air, outside the roof derives from the name of Iupiter, as well as Dialis, epithet of the flamen of Jupiter and dius that is applied to a hero descended from the race of Jupiter" and 87 M.
- ^ Wissowa above p. 100.
- ^ Wissowa above p. 100 n. 2.
- ^ CIL V 783: Iovi Diano from Aquileia.
- ^ Georges Dumézil La religion romaine archaïque Payot Paris 1974 2nd "Remarques preliminaires" X; It. tr. Milan 1977 p. 59ff.; citing Lucien Gerschel "Varron logicien" in Latomus 17 1958 p. 65-72.
- ^ Augustinus De Civitate Dei IV 27; VI 5.
- ^ J. Pépin "La théologie tripartite de Varron" Revue des études augustiniennes 2 1956 p. 265-294.
- ^ Dumézil above.
- ^ Salvatore Settis, Giorgione's Tempest: Interpreting the Hidden Subject, University of Chicago Press, 1990, p. 62, summarising this scholarly interpretation: "The lightning is Jove." cf Peter Humfrey, Painting in Renaissance Venice, Yale University Press, 1997, p.118f.
- ^ Georg Wissowa Religion und Kultus der Römer Munich, 1912, p. 100.
- ^ Wissowa, above, cites three passages from Horace, Carmina: I 1, 25 manet sub Iove frigido venator; I 22, 20 quod latus mundi nebulae malusque Iuppiter urget; III 10, 7 ut glaciet nives puro numine Iuppiter.
- ^ On the Esquiline lies the sacellum of Iuppiter Fagutalis (Varro De Lingua Latina V 152 (hereafter LL), Paulus p. 87 M., Pliny Naturalis historia XVI 37 (hereafter NH), CIL VI 452); on the Viminal is known a Iuppiter Viminius (Varro LL V 51, Festus p. 376); a Iuppiter Caelius on the Caelius (CIL VI 334); on the Quirinal the so called Capitolium Vetus (Martial V 22, 4; VII 73, 4). Outside Rome: Iuppiter Latiaris on Mons Albanus, Iuppiter Appenninus (Orelli 1220, CIL VIII 7961 and XI 5803) on the Umbrian Appennines, at Scheggia, on the Via Flaminia, Iuppiter Poeninus (CIL 6865 ff., cfr. Bernabei Rendiconti della Regia Accademia dei Lincei III, 1887, fascicolo 2, p. 363 ff.) at the Great Saint Bernard Pass, Iuppiter Vesuvius (CIL X 3806), Iuppiter Ciminus (CIL XI 2688); the Sabine Iuppiter Cacunus (CIL IX 4876, VI 371). Outside Italy Iuppiter Culminalis in Noricum and Pannonia (CIL III 3328, 4032, 4115, 5186; Supplememtum 10303, 11673 etc.) as cited by Wissowa above p. 102 and Francesca Cenerini "Scritture di santuari extraurbani tra le Alpi e gli Appennini" in Mélanges de l' École Française de Rome (hereafter MEFRA) 104 1992 1 p. 94-95.
- ^ Wissowa above p. 100-101.
- ^ Wissowa above p. 103-108.
- ^ G. Dumézil above It. tr. p. 167-168.
- ^ Dumézil above p. 239; It. Tr. p. 171.
- ^ Varro apud Augustine De Civitate Dei VII 9.
- ^ Most of the information about the flamen Dialis is preserved by Aullus Gellius Noctes Atticae (herafter Gellius) X 5 de flaminis Dialis deque flamincae caerimoniis.
- ^ Macrobius Saturnalia (hereafter understood) I 16, 8.
- ^ Plutarch Quaestiones Romanae 113.
- ^ Livy XXVII 8, 8.
- ^ Servius Ad Aeneidem (herafter understood) IV 137; Paulus p. 237 L 2nd.
- ^ G. Dumézil above It tr. Milan 1977 p. 146-8 and 31-2.
- ^ Wissowa above p. 108 citing Varro LL V 47and Festus p. 290 M. s.v. Idulia.
- ^ Wissowa above p. 108 citing Paulus p. 92 M.; Servius Ad Aeneidem VIII 641.
- ^ Wissowa above p. 108 citing Festus p. 189 M. s.v. lapis; Polybius Historiae III 25, 6.
- ^ G. Wissowa above p. 100.
- ^ G. Dumezil ARR It. tr. Milan 1977 p. 167. The carmen Saliare has: "cume tonas Leucesie prai ted tremonti/ quot tibi etinei deis cum tonarem".
- ^ G. Dumézil ARR It. tr. Milan 1977 p. 167-168.
- ^ Petronius Satyricon 44.
- ^ Paulus s. v. p. 94 L 2nd; p. 2 M; Tertullian Apologeticum 40.
- ^ Apuleius DeMundo 37; cf. Iuppiter Serenus CIL VI 431, 433,; XI 6312; Iuppiter Pluvialis CIL XI 324.
- ^ Iuppiter Serenus has been recognized as an interpretatio of the Phocean god Ζευς Ούριος: F. Cenerini above p. 104 citing Giancarlo Susini "Iuppiter Serenus e altri dei" in Epigraphica 33 1971 p. 175-177.
- ^ Vitruvius I 2, 5; CIL I 2nd p. 331: sanctuary in the Campus Martius, dedicated on October 7 according to calendaries.
- ^ CIL XII 1807.
- ^ CIL VI 377; III 821, 1596, 1677, 3593, 3594, 6342 cited by Wissowa above p. 107.
- ^ Festus s. v. provorsum fulgur p. 229 M: "...; itaque Iovi Fulguri et Summano fit, quod diurna Iovis nocturna Summani fulgura habentur." as cited by Wissowa above p. 107.
- ^ Augustine De Civitate Dei (herafter CD) VII 11. Pecunia is tentatively included in this group by Wissowa above p. 105 n. 4. Cfr. Augustine CD VII 11 end and 12.
- ^ Frugifer CIL XII 336. Apuleius De Mundo 37.
- ^ Cato De Agri Cultura 132; Paulus s. v. p. 51 M.
- ^ CIL VI 3696.
- ^ Wissowa above p. 105 n. 4 understands Pecunia as protector and increaser of the flock.
- ^ Bruno Migliorini s.v. Roma in Enciclopedia Italiana di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti vol. XXIX p. 589; A. W. Schlegel Sämtliche Werke Leipzig 1847 XII p. 488; F. Kort Römische Geschichte Heidelberg 1843 p.32-3.
- ^ N. G. L. Hammond & H. H. Scullard (Eds.) The Oxford Classical Dictionary Oxford 1970 s. v. p. 940.
- ^ Servius IV 339.
- ^ Cato De Agri Cultura 132; Festus s. v. daps, dapalis, dapaticum p. 177-8 L 2nd.
- ^ Epulo CIL VI 3696.
- ^ Wissowa above p. 105-108.
- ^ Livy I 12, 4-6.
- ^ Livy X 36, 11.
- ^ Dumézil above It. tr. p. 174-5.
- ^ Livy X 29, 12-17; nefando sacro, mixta hominum pecudumqur caedes, "by an impious rite, a mixed slaughter of people and flock" 39, 16; 42, 6-7.
- ^ Dario Sabbatucci above, as summarized in the review by Robert Turcan above p. 70.
- ^ Suetonius, Vita Augusti 29.91, etc. See Samuel Ball Platner and Thomas Ashby, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome, (London: Oxford University Press) 1929. On-line text)
- ^ According to Pliny's Natural History, 39.79
- ^ Der Große Brockhaus, vol.9, Leipzig: Brockhaus 1931, p. 520
- ^ Samuel Ball Platner, revised by Thomas Ashby: A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome, London: Oxford University Press, 1929 p.293
- ^ G. Dumézil above p. It. tr. Milan 1977 p.168
- ^ As cited by Dumézil ARR It tr. p. 177.
- ^ CIL II, 2525; Toutain. 1920. 143ff.
- ^ Smith, Dictionary, s.v. "Ladicus")
- ^ Ovid Fasti I 587-588.
- ^ Varro LL VI 16. The issue of the sacrificial victims proper to a god is one of the most vexed topics of Roman religion: cf. Gérard Capdeville "Substitution de victimes dans les sacrifices d'animaux à Rome" in MEFRA 83 2 1971 p. 283-323. Also G. Dumézil "Quaestiunculae indo-italicae: 11. Iovi tauro verre ariete immolari non licet" in Revue d'études latins 39 1961 p. 242-257.
- ^ Wissowa abobe p. 107; Livy X 36, 1 and 37, 15 f.
- ^ Livy I 12; Dionysius Halicarnasseus II 59; Ovid Fasti VI 793; Cicero Catilianaria I 33.
- ^ Wissowa above: CIL VI 434, 435; IX 3023, 4534; X59-4; also III 1089.
- ^ Wissowa p. 198 and n. 1.
- ^ Wissowa above p. 108 and n. 1 citing Vitruvius De Architectura (hereafter Vitruvius) III 1, 5.
- ^ CIL VI 438.
- ^ Ovid Fasti IV 621 and VI 650.
- ^ Protocols of a sacerdotal collegium: Wissowa above citing CIL VI 2004-2009.
- ^ Wissowa above p. 101 citing Macrobius Saturnalia I 15, 14 and 18, Iohannes Lydus De Mensibus III 7, Plutarch Quaestiones Romanae 24.
- ^ Wissowa p. 101 citing Varro LL V 47; Festus p. 290 Müller, Paulus p. 104; Ovid Fasti I 56 and 588; Macrobius Sat. I 15, 16.
- ^ Wissowa above p. 101.
- ^ Wissowa above p. 101 citing Pliny NH XVIII 289: "This festival day was established for the placation (i. e. averting) of storms", "Hunc diem festum tempestatibus leniendis institutum".
- ^ Wissowa above citing Digest II 12, 4.
- ^ Wissowa above p. 101-102 citing Varro LL VI 21 Novum vetus vinum bibo, novo veteri morbo medeor.
- ^ G. Dumézil Fêtes romaines d' été et d' automne Paris 1975 p. 97-108.
- ^ Wissowa above p. 102 citing Varro LL VI 16, Pliny NH XVIII 287, Ovid Fasti IV 863 ff., Paulus p. 65 and 374 M.
- ^ Wissowa above p. 102.
- ^ Jean Bayet Histoire politique et psychologique de la religion romaine Paris 1957 p. 99.
- ^ Jacques Heurgon Rome et la Méditerranée occcidentale Paris 1969 p. 204-8.
- ^ Paul-M. Martin "La fonction calendaire du roi de Rome et sa participation á certaines fêtes" in Annles de Bretagne et des pays de l' Ouest 83 1976 2 p. 239-244 part. p. 241.
- ^ Dario Sabbatucci La religione di Roma antica: dal calendario festivo all'ordine cosmico Milan 1988, reviewed by Robert Turcan in Revue del'histoire des religions 206 1989 1 p. 69-73 part. p. 71.
- ^ A. Magdelain "Auspicia ad patres redeunt" in Hommage á Jean Bayet Bruxelles 1964 527 ff.
- ^ Jean Gagé "La mort de Servius Tullius et le char de Tullia" in Revue belge de philologie et d' histoire 41 1963 1 p. 25-62.
- ^ Henri Le Bonniec Le culte de Cérès á Rome Paris 1958 p. 348, developing Jean Bayet Les annales de Tite Live (Titus Livius AUC libri qui supersunt) ed. G. Budé vol. III Paris 1942 Appendix V p. 145-153.
- ^ Mommsen Römischen Forschungen II p. 42 ff. puts their founding on 366 BC at the establishment of the curule aedility. Cited by Wissowa p. 111.
- ^ Livy I 35, 9.
- ^ Wissowa above p. 111-112 citing Livy V 41, 2 ; Tertullian De corona militis 13; Dionysius Halicarnasseus AR VII 72. Marquardt Staatsverwaltung III 508.
- ^ G. Dumézil ARR above p. 488.
- ^ Wissowa above p. 112 citing Mommsen CIL I 2nd p. 329, 335; Rǒmische Forschungen II 45, 4.
- ^ Macrobius I 10, 11.
- ^ Wissowa above p. 102 citing Gellius X 15, 12. 24; Paulus p. 87 M.; Pliny NH XVIII 119; Plutarch Quaest. Romanae 111.
- ^ Macrobius I 16, 33. Tuditanus claimed they were instituted by Romulus and T. Tatius I 16, 32.
- ^ Cassius apud Macrobius I 16, 33.
- ^ Rutilius apud Macrobius I 16, 34.
- ^ Macrobius I 16, 30: "...flaminica Iovi arietem solet immolare".
- ^ Dumézil ARR It. tr. p. 163.
- ^ Dionysius Halicarnasseus Ant. Rom. I 21, 1 ; Livy I 32, 4.
- ^ Livy I 24, 8.
- ^ Livy I 32, 10.
- ^ G. Dumézil ARR above p. 502-504 and 169. Wissowa above p. 104 citing Paulus p. 92 M.; Sevius Aeneis XII 206; LivyI 24, 3-8; Ix 5, 3; XXX 43, 9; Festus p. 321 M.; Pliny NH XXII 5; Marcianus apud Digest I 8, 8 par. 1; Servius Aen. VIII 641; XII 120.
- ^ G. Dumézil ARR above p. 259 note 4: cf. Servius Eclogae X 27 "unde etiam triumphantes habent omnia insignia Iovis, sceptrum palmatamque togam" "wherefore also the triumphing commanders have all the insignia of Jupiter, the sceptre and the toga palmata'". On the interpretation of the triumphal dress and of the triumph Larissa Bonfante has offered an interpretation based on Etruscan documents in her article : "Roman Triumphs and Etruscan Kings: the Changing Face of the Triumph" in Journal of Roman Studies 60 1970 p. 49-66 and tables I-VIII.
- ^ Ovid Fasti III 284-392.
- ^ Augustine CD VII 9 and 10.
- ^ G. Dumézil ARR It. tr. above p. 101-102.
- ^ Varro V 42; Vergil Aeneis VIII 357-8; Dionysius Hal. I 34; Solinus I 12; Festus p. 322 L; Tertullian Apologeticum 10; Macrobius I 7, 27 and I 10, 4 citing a certain Mallius.
- ^ Macrobius I 7, 3: the annalistic tradition attributed its foundation to king Tullus Hostilius. Studies by E. Gjerstad in Mélanges Albert Grenier Bruxelles 1962 p. 757-762; Filippo Coarelli in La Parola del Passato 174 1977 p. 215 f.
- ^ Dominique Briquel "Jupiter, Saturne et le Capitole" in Revue de l' histoire des religions 198 1981 2 p. 131-162.
- ^ Livy VIII 1, 6 and XLV 33, 2.
- ^ D. Briquel above p. 150 ff., Virgil Aeneid VII 203.
- ^ Augustine CD VII 13.
- ^ Livy I 24, 4. Dionysius Halicarnasseus AR II 75, 2-4.
- ^ Wissowa above p. 133-134.
- ^ Wissowa above.
- ^ Varro LL V 66; Yves Lehmann "La dette de Varron à l' égard de son mâitre Aelius Stilo" in MEFRA 97 1985 1 p. 519-520.
- ^ Roger D. Woodard cited in note below; G. Freyburger Fides Dissertation Strassbourg 1983 p. 476 f.
- ^ Wissowa above p. 103.
- ^ Roger D. Woodard Vedic and Indo-European Sacred Space Chicago Illinois Un. Press 2005 p. 189. The scholar thinks Dius Fidius is the Roman equivalent of Trita Apya, the companion of Indra in the slaying of Vrtra.
- ^ G. Dumézil ARR above p. 169.
- ^ G. Dumezil La religion Roamaine archaïque Paris, 1974; It. tr. Milan 1977 p.189.
- ^ Irene Rosenzweig London, 1937, p. ; D. Briquel "Les aspects militairs du dieu ombrien Fisus Sancius" in MEFRA 1979 p. 13; E. Norden Aus Alrōmischer Priesterbüchen Lund 1939 p. .
- ^ G. Wissowa in Roschers Lexicon 1909 s.v. Semo Sancus col. 3654; Religion und Kultus der Römer Munich, 1912, p. 131 f.
- ^ W. W. Fowler The Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic London, 1899, p. 139.
- ^ La religion romaine archaique It. tr. Milano, 1977, p. 80 n. 25, citing also G. Wissowa in Roschers Lexicon s.v. Sancus, IV, 1909, col. 3168; Dumezil wholly rejects the tradition of the synecism of Rome.
- ^ cf.Livy I 21, 4; Servius Aen. I 292 on this prescription of Numa's
- ^ Livy VIII 20, 8; W. W. Fowler The Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic London 1899 p. 138; Irene Rosenzweig Ritual and Cult in Pre-Roman Iguvium London, 1937, p.210; D. Briquel "Sur les aspects militaires du dieu ombrien Fisus Sancius" in MEFRA 1979 p. 136.
- ^ O. Sacchi "Il trivaso del Quirinale" in Revue Internationale de Droit de l'Antiquité 2001 pp. 309-311, citing Nonius Marcellus s.v. rituis (L p.494): Itaque domi rituis nostri, qui per dium Fidium iurare vult, prodire solet in compluvium., 'thus according to our rites he who wishes to swear an oath by Dius Fidius he as a rule walks to the compluvium (an unroofed space within the house)'; Macrobius Saturnalia III 11, 5 on the use of the private mensa as an altar mentioned in the ius Papirianum; Granius Flaccus indigitamenta 8 (H. 109) on king Numa's vow by which he asked for the divine punishment of perjury by all the gods.
- ^ Lydus de Mensibus IV 90; G. Capdeville "Les dieux de Martianus Capella" in Revue de l'histoire des religions 213 1996 3 p.290.
- ^ Augustine CD VII 13.
- ^ Censorinus De Die Natali 3, 1.
- ^ CIL IX 3513 from the lex templi of the temple of Iuppiter Liber at Furfo, Samnium.
- ^ Arnobius Adversus Nationes IV 38.
- ^ G. Capdeville "Les dieux de Martianus Capella" in Revue de l'histoire des religions 213 1996 3 p. 285.
- ^ Wissowa above p. 23; 133-134; Dumézil Jupiter Mars Quirinus I-IV Paris 1941- 1948; ARR above p. 137-165.
- ^ For a factual analysis of the data supporting its existence the reader is referred to article Capitoline Triad.
- ^ Ovid Amores III 2, 43 ff.
- ^ Francis Newman The Iguvine Tables London 1863 p. 17-19: Ia 3-25.
- ^ For a thourogh presentation of the historical data concerning the Capitoline Triad and the role of goddess Juno therein the reader is referred to article Juno.
- ^ Dumézil ARR above p. 271 citing Ovid Fasti III 815-832.
- ^ G. Dumézil La religion romaine archaique Paris 1974 part II chapt 1; It. tr. p. 276.
- ^ Wissowa above p. 135 citing Servius Danielis Eclogae IV 49-50.
- ^ Livy IX 8, 1; XXII 1, 6.
- ^ Livy XXVI 31, 11; Polybius VI 19, 6.
- ^ Livy XXIV 56, 5-6.
- ^ Appian Bellum Civile VII 5; Livy XXXIII 25, 7.
- ^ Livy XLII 40, 1.
- ^ Dumézil ARR above p. 258-261.
- ^ E. and A. L. Prosdocimi in Etrennes M. Lejeune Paris 1978 p. 199-207 identify him as an aspect of Jupiter. See also A. L. Prosdocimi "'Etimologie di teonimi: Venilia, Summano, Vacuna" in Studi linguistici in onore di Vittore Pisani Milano 1969 p. 777-802.
- ^ G. Dumézil ARR above p. 184-5 citing his Mitra Varuna, essai sur deux représentations indo-européennes de la souveraineté Paris 1940-1948.
- ^ Wissowa above p. 107: citing CIL VI 205; X 49 and 6423.
- ^ Wissowa above: CIL VI 206.
- ^ Ludwig Preller Rõmische Mythologie I Berlin 1881 p. 195-197; E. Aust s. v. Iuppiter (Liber) in Roscher lexicon II column 661 f.
- ^ Olivier de Cazanove cites Wissowa above p. 120 and A. Schnegelsberg De Liberi apud Romanos cultu capita duo Dissertation Marburg 1895 p. 40.
- ^ O. de Cazanove "Jupiter, Liber et le vin latin" in Revue de l'histoire des religions 205 1988 3 p. 247 n. 4.
- ^ Augustine CD VII 21.
- ^ Inscriptions from the territory of the Frentani (Zvetaieff Sylloge inscriptionum Oscarum nr. 3); Vestini (CIL IX 3513; I 2nd 756 Furfo); Sabini (Jordan Analecta epigraphica latina p. 3 f.= CIL I 2nd 1838) and Campani (CIL X 3786 Iovi Liber(o) Capua).
- ^ Fasti Arvales ad 1. September.
- ^ Monumentum Ancyranum IV 7; CIL XI 657 Faventia; XIV 2579 Tusculum.
- ^ Wissowa above p. 106.
- ^ Fr. Bömer Untersuchungen über die Religion der Sklaven in Griechenland und Rom I Wiesbaden 1957 p. 127 f. cited by Olivier de Cazanove "Jupiter, Liber et le vin" in Revue de l'histoire des religions 205 1988 3 p. 248.
- ^ O. de Cazanove above p. 248 ff.
- ^ Trebatius Testa apud Arnobius Ad nationes VII 31: "solum quod inferetur sacrum..." "only that which is spilt is considered sacred...";also Cato De Agri Cultura CXXXII 2; CXXXIV 3; Servius IX 641; Isidore XX 2,7.
- ^ Marcus Antistius Labeo apud Festus s. v., p. 474 L.
- ^ Fr. Altheim Terra Mater Giessen 1931 p. 22 and n. 4 while acknowledging the obscurity of the etymology of this word proposed the derivation from sacerrima as bruma from brevissima; Onomata Latina et Graeca s.v.: novum vinum; Corpus Glossatorum Latinorum II p. 264: απαρχη γλεύκους.
- ^ Columella De Re Rustica XII 18, 4 mentions a sacrifice to Liber and Libera immediately before.
- ^ Paulus s. v. sacrima p. 423 L; Festus p. 422 L (mutile).
- ^ Isidore Origines XX 3, 4; Enrico Monatanari "Funzione della sovranitá e feste del vino nella Roma repubblicana" in Studi e Materiali di Storia delle Religioni 49 1983 p. 242-262.
- ^ G. Dumézil "Quaestiunculae indo-italicae" 14-16 in Revue d' études latins XXXIX 1961 p.261-274.
- ^ Henri Le Bonniec Le culte de Cérès à Rome Paris 1958 p. 160-162.
- ^ Augustine CD VII 21.
- ^ Augustine CD VII 3, 1.
- ^ "Liber et liberi" in Revue d'études latins 14 1936 p. 52-58.
- '^ '...curatores Iovi Libertati" CIL XI 657 and "Iovi Obsequenti publice" CIL XI 658 from Bagnacavallo; "Iuppiter Impetrabilis" from Cremella sopra Monza published by G. Zecchini in Rivista di studi italiani e latini 110 1976 p. 178-182. The double presence of Jupiter and Feronia at Bagnacavallo has led to speculation that the servile manumissio (legal ritual action by which slaves were freed) was practised in this sanctuary : Giancarlo Susini "San Pietro in Sylvis, santuario pagense e villaggio plebano nel Ravennate" in Mélanges offertes à G. Sanders Steenbrugge 1991 p. 395-400. Cited in F. Cenerini above p. 103.
- ^ G. Dumézil ARR It. tr. p. 188 n. 44; Kurt Latte Römische Religionsgeschichte Munich 1960 p. 81 and n.3.; W. Warde Fowler The Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic London 1899 p. 121-122.
- ^ Gellius V 12.
- ^ L. Preller Römische Mythologie I p. 262 f.
- ^ Ovid Fasti I 291- 294.
- ^ Ferruccio Bernini Ovidio. I Fasti translation and commentary, III 429 Bologna 1983 (reprint).
- ^ Ovid above. Fasti Praenestini CIL I 2nd p. 231 Aescu]lapio Vediovi in insula.
- ^ Fasti Praen.: Non. Mart. F(as) ...]ovi artis Vediovis inter duos lucos; Ovid Fasti III 429-430.
- ^ Ovid above V 721-722. XII Kal. Iun. NP Agonia (Esq. Caer. Ven. Maff.); Vediovi (Ven.)
- ^ Wissowa on the grounds of Paulus's glossa humanum sacrificium p. 91 L interprets "with a rite proper to a ceremony in honour of the deceased".
- ^ Livy VIII 9, 6.
- ^ The Romans knew and offered a cult to other such deities: among them febris, tussis, mefitis.
- ^ Livy XXXI 21.
- ^ Ettore Pais CIL Supplementa Italica I addimenta al CIL V in Atti dei Lincei, Memorie V 1888 n. 1272: I O M IUR D(e) C(onscriptorum) S(ententia).
- ^ CIL I 1105: C . Volcaci C . F Har. de stipe Iovi Iurario ... onimentum
- ^ Ovid Fasti I 291-295.
- ^ Livy XXXV 41.
- ^ Maurice Besnier "Jupiter Jurarius" in Mélanges d'archéologie et d' histoire 18 1898 p. 287-289.
- ^ G. Dumézil ARR above p. 408.
- ^ G. Dumézil ARR above p. 408-409.
- ^ Varro De Lingua Latina V 61 ff.
- ^ Livy XXVII 2, 10-12.
- ^ Dionysius HalicarnasseusAR III 69, 5-6.
- ^ Dionysius Halicarnasseus AR III 69; Florus I 7, 9.
- ^ CIL XI 351.
- ^ Plutarch Numa 16.
- ^ Ovid Fasti II 679.
- ^ Augustine CD VII 7.
- ^ D. Sabbatucci above.
- ^ G. Dumézil ARR above p. 186-187.
- ^ Wissowa above p. 135 citing Servius Danielis Eclogae IV 50.
- ^ Piso apud Dionysius Halicarnasseus Ar Iv 15, 5.
- ^ G. Dumézil ARR above p. 185-186.
- ^ Livy XXXV 36, 5.
- ^ Arnobius Adversus nationes III 40. Cf. also Lucan Pharsalia V 696; VII 705; VIII 21.
- ^ Gérard Capdeville "Les dieux de Martianus Capella" in Revue de l'histoire des religions 213 1996 3 p. 285 citing Carl Olof Thulin Die Götter des Martianus Capella und der Bronzeleber von Piacenza (=RGVV 3. 1) Giessen 1906 p. 38- 39. On the topic see also A. L. Luschi "Cacu, Fauno e i venti' in Studi Etruschi 57 1991 p. 105-117.
- ^ Dionysius Halicarnasseus Ant. Rom. VI 90, 1; Festus s.v. p. 414 L 2nd.
- ^ G. Dumézil ARR It. tr. Milan 1977 p. 177.
- ^ Livy V 23, 6.
- ^ Livy VI 17, 5.
- ^ G. Dumézil ARR It. tr.above p. 181 citing Jean Bayet Les annales de Tite Live édition G. Budé vol. III 1942 Appendix V p. 153 and n. 3.
- ^ Livy I 31 1-8.
- ^ Macrobius I 16.
- ^ L. Schmitz in W. Smith "Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities London 1875 s. v. Feriae p. 529.
- ^ Cicero De Divinatione I 18; Dionysius Hal. AR IV 49, 3; Festus p. 212 L l. 30 f.; Scholiasta Bobiensis ad Ciceronis pro Plancio 23.
- ^ Festus s.v. oscillantes p. 194 M; C. A. Lobeck Aglaophamus sive de theologiae mysticae Graecorum causis libri tres Königsberg 1829 p. 585.
- ^ Cicero Pro Plancio 23; Varro LL VI 25; Pliny NH III 69.
- ^ Pliny XXVII 45.
- ^ A. Alföldi Early Rome and the Latins Ann Arbor 1965 p. 33 n. 6 cited by O. de Cazanove above p. 252.
- ^ Wissowa above p. 109; L. Schmitz in Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities London 1875 s. v. Feriae p. 529: Niebuhr History of Rome II p. 35 citing Livy V 42, Plutarch Camillus 42.
- ^ Wissowa p. 110. CIL 2011-2022; XIV 2236-2248.
- ^ Wissowa above p. 110.
- ^ Livy XLII 21, 7.
- ^ CIL XIV 2852, 2937, 2972.
- ^ Cf. Paulus s.v. arcanum p. 16 M.
- ^ For an exposition of Dumézil's interpretation the reader is referred to article Juno.
- ^ Jean Gagé above p. 39-40; J. Champeux Fortuna. Recherches sur le culte de la Fortune à Rome et adns le monde romain dés origines à al mort de César. I: Fortune dans la religion archaïque Paris 1982 as reviewd by J. Schied, "Religion romaine , religion latine" in Revue d' études latins 1985, "Sors Oraculi. Les oracles en Italie sous la République et l'Empire" in MEFRA 102 1990 1 p. 283.
- ^ Cicero De Divinatione II 85.
- ^ Cicero above I 34; II 85-86.
- ^ Macrobius I 12, 17 who connects him to Roman Maia; CIL XIV 216; Ephemeris Epigraphica VII 1276.
- ^ CIL 3555; cf. Historia Augusta Maximinus et Balbinus V 3; in Rome Iuppiter Praestitus CIL III 4037, Iuppiter praestabilis CIL IX 1498 and the Lares praestitites.
- ^ Livy I 2, 6; Pliny NH III 56; Servius Aen. I 259.
- ^ Vergil Aeneis VII 799 and Servius' comment; Porphirius ad Horatii satiras I 5, 26; CIL X 6483.
- ^ Emil Vetter Handbuch der Italischen Dialekte I Heidelberg 1953 n. 147
- ^ Samuel Ball Platner, revised by Thomas Ashby: A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome, London: Oxford University Press, 1929 p.293 and
Der Große Brockhaus, vol.9, Leipzig: Brockhaus 1931, p. 520 - ^ Walter W. Skeat, A Concise Etymological Dictionary of the English Language, Oxford: Clarendon Press 1882, OUP 1984, p.274
References
- Musei Capitolini
- Dumézil, G. (1988). Mitra-Varuna: An essay on two Indo-European representations of sovereignty. New York: Zone Books. ISBN 0-942299-13-2
- Dumézil, G. (1996). Archaic Roman religion: With an appendix on the religion of the Etruscans. Baltimore, Md: Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 0-8018-5481-4
- Article "Jupiter" in The Oxford Classical Dictionary. ISBN 0-19-860641-9
- Smith, Miranda J., 'Dictionary of Celtic Myth and Legend' ISBN 0-500-27976-6
- Favourite Greek Myths, Mary Pope Osbourne Aedes Iovis Optimi Maximi Capitolini
- Platner, S. B., & Ashby, T. (1929). A topographical dictionary of ancient Rome. London: Oxford University Press, H. Milford. OCLC 1061481
- Rüpke, Jörg (Editor), A Companion to Roman Religion, Wiley-Blackwell, 2007. ISBN 978-1-4051-2943-5