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{{Infobox Monarch |
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'''Donnchad mac Gille Brigte''' (or alternatively, '''Duncan fils de Gilbert''') (died 1250) was the first [[Mormaer]] or "[[Earl of Carrick|Earl]]" of [[Carrick, Scotland]]. |
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| name = Donnchadh ("Duncan") |
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| title = Mormaer or Earl of Carrick |
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| image = [[File:Donnchadh mac Gille-Brighdhe Seal.jpg]] |
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| caption = A 19th-century impression of Donnchadh's [[Seal (device)|seal]], surviving from a Melrose charter, showing a winged dragon; the inscription reads ''SIGILLUM DUNECANI FILII GILLEBER..'' ("The seal of Donnchadh son of Gille-Brighde") |
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| reign = c. 1186 – 1250 |
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| native_lang1 = [[Scottish Gaelic|Modern Gaelic]] |
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| native_lang1_name1 = Donnchadh mac Ghille-Brìghde |
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| native_lang2 = [[Medieval Latin|Latin]] |
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| native_lang2_name1 = Don[n]ecanus or Dun[e]canus filius Gilleberti |
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| native_lang3 = [[Norman French]] |
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| native_lang3_name1 = Dunecan fitz Gilbert |
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| predecessor = [[Gilla Brigte of Galloway|Gille-Brighde mac Fergusa]] |
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| successor = [[Niall, Earl of Carrick|Niall mac Donnchaidh]] |
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| suc-type = Heirs |
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| heir = [[Cailean mac Donnchaidh]] (died before 1250)<br>[[Niall, Earl of Carrick|Niall mac Donnchaidh]] |
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| consort = Avelina, daughter of [[Alan fitz Walter]] |
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| father = [[Gille-Brighde of Galloway]] |
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| mother = uncertain, but perhaps a daughter of [[Donnchadh II, Earl of Fife]] |
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| date of birth = mid-to-late 12th century |
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| place of birth = unknown, probably Galloway or Carrick |
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| date of death = 13 June 1250 |
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| place of death = unknown |
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| place of burial = unknown |
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}} |
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'''Donnchadh''' or '''Donnchad''' ([[Anglicisation|Anglicised]] [mainly] as ''Duncan''), son of Gille-Brighde, was a [[Gall-Gaidhil]] prince and Scottish magnate whose career stretched from the last quarter of the 12th-century to his death half way through the 13th-century. His father [[Gille-Brighde of Galloway]] and uncle [[Uhtred of Galloway]] were the two rival sons of [[Fergus of Galloway|Fergus]], "king" or "lord" of [[Galloway]]. The forced retirement of Fergus to [[Holyrood Abbey]] in 1160 led to the partition of his kingdom between them, and closer overlordship from the Scottish king. Upon the capture of [[William the Lion]], king of the Scots in 1174, a struggle broke out leading to the death of Uhtred of Galloway and the intervention of both English and Scottish kings. Donnchadh served as a hostage for nearly a decade somewhere in England, but following his father's death was able with the help of King [[Henry II of England]] to return to his territory. Although denied succession to the full lordship of the Gall-Gaidhil, or even most of its territory, he was established in the territory of [[Carrick, Scotland|Carrick]]. |
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In 1176, he was handed over by his father [[Gille Brigte, Lord of Galloway|Gille Brigte]] to King [[Henry II of England]] as a hostage, to ensure the good behaviour of the former. After his father's death, his cousin [[Lochlann, Lord of Galloway|Lochlann]] seized his lands. Henry II tried to intervene on Donnchad's behalf, but Henry II was occupied with the revolts of his sons in [[France]], and moreover, Lochlann had the support of King [[William of Scotland]]. As things transpired, Lochlann was allowed to keep most of [[Galloway]]. In compensation, a new [[Mormaer]]dom was created in the territory of [[Carrick, Scotland|Carrick]], which had previously been acquired by the [[Lords of Galloway|Lordship]]. |
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Partially owing the geographic and cultural distance of the region from the main centres of literary production, comparatively little is known about Donnchadh's life and rule. He is documented fighting battles is [[Ireland]], as an ally of [[John de Courcy]], and as acquiring and losing land there, but the details of this are unclear. A patron of religious houses, particularly [[Melrose Abbey]] and [[North Berwick]] [[nunnery]], he attempted to establish his own monastery in his own territory, at [[Crossraguel Abbey|Crossraguel]]. He married the daughter of [[Alan fitz Walter]], leading member of the family that would later be known as the [[House of Stewart]], future monarchs of Scotland and England. Donnchadh was the first mormaer or "earl" of the lordship of Carrick, ruling for over 6 decades, making him one of the longest serving magnates in [[medieval Scotland]]. His descendants include the [[House of Bruce|Bruce]] and Stewart kings of Scotland, the [[Clan Kennedy|Kennedy]] [[Lord Kennedy|Earls of Cassilis]], and probably the [[Clan Campbell|Campbell]] [[Duke of Argyll|dukes of Argyll]]. |
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Donnchad had a close alliance with the remarkable [[Anglo-Norman]] adventurer [[John de Courcy]]. The man who effectively founded the [[Earls of Ulster|Earldom of Ulster]] had promised Donnchad lands in Ulster. In 1197 Donnchad himself went to Ulster to secure his lands. John de Courcy was defeated by [[De Lacy|Hugh de Lacy]], but Donnchad nevertheless pursued his claims. When [[De Lacy|Hugh de Lacy]] earned the ire of King [[John of England]], many of the supporters of the former fled to Carrick, where Donnchad dutifully arrested them and handed them over. |
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==Sources== |
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==Family and children== |
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[[File:NW Britain 11th cent.jpg|thumb|left|A map of the Norse-Gaelic zone, with region names as they are described in the sources of the period; ''Gallgaidelaib'' is the word Galloway (see text), ''Airir Gaidel'' is modern Argyll, ''Cenn Tire'' is [[Kintyre]], ''Innse Gall'' is the [[Hebrides]], ''Na Renna'' is [[Wigtownshire]], and ''Mann'' is the [[Isle of Man]]]] |
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Donnchad married [[Avelina Stewart]]. He had at least 5 sons: |
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Donnchadh's career is documented very poorly. Most of his activity from the beginning of his career in the mid-to-late 1180s until his death in the middle of the 13th-century goes unrecorded. [[Charter]]s are one of the exceptions to this, though charters were in this period produced and kept by [[Anglo-Norman]] religious houses and nobles, primarily in their interest, and no [[cartulary|cartularies]] from established monasteries in the Gaelic south-west has survived the Middle Ages.<ref>Duncan, ''Scotland'', p. 643</ref> Added to charters are some English government records recording his activities in relation to Ireland, while occasional [[chronicle]] entries from England and the English-speaking regions of what became south-eastern Scotland record other important details. Aside from the ''[[Chronicle of Melrose]]'', the most important of these are the works of [[Roger of Hoveden]] and the material preserved in the writings of [[John of Fordun]] and [[Walter Bower]]. |
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Roger of Hovesden authored two important works: the ''Gesta Henrici II'', formerly attributed to [[Benedict of Peterborough]], and his ''Chronica''.<ref>Corner, "Howden [Hoveden], Roger of"; Duncan, "Roger of Howden", p. 135; Gransden, ''Historical Writing'', pp. 222–36</ref> The ''Gesta Henrici II'' covers the period from 1169 to Arpil 1192, while the ''Chronica'' covers events up until 1201.<ref name=Duncan-135>Duncan, "Roger of Howden", p. 135</ref> These works are the most important and valuable sources for Scottish history in the late 12th-century.<ref name=Duncan-135/> Roger of Hoveden is particularly important in relation to what is now south-western Scotland, the land of the Gall-Gaidhil. Roger served as an English emissary in the region in 1174, and the account he offers of the approach of Donnchadh's father Gille-Brighde towards the English king thus comes from one of the latter's own representative in the matter.<ref>Corner, "Howden [Hoveden], Roger of"; Oram, ''Lordship'', pp. 95–7</ref> It is Roger who reveals that Gille-Brighde handed Donnchadh over as a hostage to Henry II under the care of Hugh de Morwic, sheriff of Cumberland, that Donnchcadh's married the daughter of [[Alan fitz Walter]] under the protest of the Scottish king, and that Donnchadh fought a battle in Ireland in 1197 assisting [[John de Courcy]], prince of Ulster.<ref>Anderson, Scottish Annals, pp. 268, 325; Lawrie, ''Annals'', p. 326; Riley (ed.), ''Annals of Roger de Hoveden'', vol. ii, p. 404</ref> |
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*[[Niall, Earl of Carrick|Níall]] |
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*[[Cailean mac Donnchaidh|Cailean]] |
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*[[Eoin mac Donnchaidh|Eoin]] |
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*[[Ailean mac Donnchaidh|Ailean]] |
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*[[Alasdair mac Donnchaidh|Alasdair]] |
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Another potentially important chronicle source is the material preserved in John of Fordun's ''Chronica gentis Scottorum'' and Walter Bower's ''[[Scotichronicon]]''. John of Fordun's work, incorporated in the following century into the work of Bower, was written and compiled sometime between 1384 and August 1387.<ref>Broun, ''Scottish Independence'', p. 215</ref> Scottish textual historian [[Dauvit Broun]] has shown that Fordun's work comprises two earlier pieces, ''Gesta Annalia I'' and ''Gesta Annalia II'', the former covering the period from King [[Máel Coluim mac Donnchada]] (died 1093) up to 2 February 1285 and written before April 1285.<ref>Broun, ''Scottish Independence'', pp. 257–8; Broun, "New Look at ''Gesta Annalia'', p. 17</ref> This was based in turn on an earlier text about the descendants of [[Saint Margaret of Scotland|St Margaret]] written at Dunfermline and another chronicle closely related to the ''Chronicle of Melrose'' and the ''Chronicle of Holryrood''.<ref>Broun, ''Scottish Independence'', p. 217; Duncan, "Sources and Uses", p. 169</ref> Thus the few references contained in this material to late 12th-century and early 13th-century Gall-Gaidhil events may come from reliable contemporary or near-contemporary sources, even if it was continually reworked for different purposes in later years.<ref>Broun, ''Scottish Independence'', pp. 215–30</ref> |
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Among Donnchad's many descendants is King [[Robert I of Scotland]], who was his great-grandson, through Níall. |
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==Geographic and cultural background== |
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{{start box}} |
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[[File:Provinces of South-West Scotland.jpg|thumb|left|Provinces of what is now southern Scotland in the Middle Ages; boundaries are approximate<ref>Barrow, ''Anglo-Norman Era'', p. 51</ref>]] |
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{{succession box | before=Formed from the dominions of <br>[[Gille Brigte, Lord of Galloway]] | title=[[Earl of Carrick|Mormaer of Carrick]] | years=1186 – 1250| after=[[Niall, Earl of Carrick|Níall]]}} |
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In the late 12th-century, what is now Scotland south of the [[river Forth]] was a multi-cultural region.<ref>Barrow, ''Anglo-Norman Era'', pp. 32–5; Barrow, ''Kingdom of the Scots'', pp. 38–40</ref> North of the Forth was the Gaelic kingdom of Scotland (''Alba''), which under its partially Normanised kings exercised direct or indirect control over most of the region.<ref>Barrow, ''Kingdom of the Scots'', pp. 112–29</ref> In [[Lothian]] and [[the Merse]], were the heartlands of the northern part of the old English [[Earl of Northumbria|earldom of Northumbria]].<ref>Woolf, ''Pictland to Alba'', pp. 232–40</ref> In the late 12th-century, the people of Lothian, Merse, [[Lauderdale]], [[Eskdale]], [[Liddesdale]], and most of [[Teviotdale]] and [[Annandale]] were English in language and regarded themselves as English, despite having been under the control of the king of the Scots for at least a century.<ref>Barrow, ''Anglo-Norman Era'', pp. 48–50; Broun, "Becoming Scottish", p. 19</ref> In [[Clydesdale]], also known as [[Strathclyde]], lay the heartland of the old [[Kingdom of Strathclyde]], where by Donnchadh's day French, Anglo-French, English and Flemish settlers were thickly settled under Scottish overlordship,<ref>Barrow, ''Anglo-Norman Era'', pp. 30–50, illustrative maps at pp. 51–60</ref> so that the [[Brythonic languages|British language]] of the area was probably either dead or almost dead, perhaps surviving only in the uplands of Clydedale, [[Tweeddale]] and Annandale.<ref>Broun, "Welsh Identity", pp. 120–5; Edmonds, "Personal Names", pp. 49–50</ref> Gaelic had penetrated much of the old Northumbrian and Strathclyde territories, coming from the west, south-west and the north, a situation that led historian Alex Woolf to compare the region to [[the Balkans]].<ref>Woolf, ''Pictland to Alba'', pp. 294–6</ref> |
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{{end box}} |
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The rest of the region was settled by the people called '''Gall-Gaidhil'' (modern Scottish Gaelic: ''Gall-Ghàidheil'') in their own language, variations of ''Gallwedienses'' in [[Medieval Latin|Latin]], and normally [[Galwegians]] or Gallovidians in modern English.<ref>Clancy, "Galloway and the Gall-Ghàidheil", pp. 32–3, et passim</ref> References in the 11th-century to the kingdom of the Gall-Gaidhil centre the kingdom far to the north of what is now [[Galloway]].<ref>Clancy, "Gall-Ghàidheil", pp. 29–39</ref> [[Kingarth]] (''Cenn Garadh'') and [[Eigg]] (''Eic'') were described as "in Galloway" (''Gallgaidelaib'') by the ''Matyrology of Óengus'', in contrast to [[Whithorn]] (''Futerna'') and [[Dunragit]] (''Dún Reichet'') — both part of modern Galloway — which were part of a different kingdom, the [[Kingdom of the Rhinns]] (''Na Renna'').<ref>Byrne, "Na Renna", p. 267; Clancy, "Gall-Ghàidheil", pp. 29–32; Stokes (ed.), ''Martyrology'', pp. 116–7, 184–5, 212–3, 246–7</ref> These areas had been part of the Kingdom of Northumbria until the 9th-century, and afterward became Gaelic in language in a process very poorly documented, but probably carried out by numerous small bands of culturally Scandivianised but linguistically Gaelic warrior-settlers moving in from Ireland and southern Argyll.<ref>Clancy, "Gall-Ghàidheil", p. 44; Woolf, ''Pictland to Alba'', pp. 293–8</ref> "Galloway" today only refers to the lands of [[Rhinns]], [[Farines]], Glenken, Desnes Mór and Desnes Ioan (that is, [[Wigtownshire]] and the [[Stewartry of Kirkcudbright]]), but this is because of the territorial changes that took place in and around Donnchadh's lifetime rather than being the contemporary definition.<ref>Clancy, "Gall-Ghàidheil", passim</ref> For instance, 12th-century marginalia describes the island of [[Ailsa Craig]] as "lying between ''Gallgaedelu'' [Galloway] and ''Cend Tiri'' [Kintrye]", a charter of [[Máel Coluim IV]] describes [[Strathgryfe]], [[Cunninghame|Cunningham]], [[Kyle, Ayrshire|Kyle]] and Carrick as the four ''cadrez'' (probably from ''ceathramh'', "quarter"s) of Galloway, and an Irish annal entry for the year 1154 describes galleys from [[Arran]], Kintyre, the [[Isle of Man]] as ''Gallghaoidhel'', "Galwegian".<ref>Clancy, "Gall-Ghàidheil", pp. 33–4</ref> |
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By the middle of the 12th century, the former territory of the kingdom of the Rhinns was part of Galloway but the area to the north was not. Strathgryfe, Kyle and Cunningham had come under the control of the Scottish king in the early 12th-century, much of it being given over to soldiers of French or Anglo-French origin.<ref>Oram, ''David'', pp. 93–6.</ref> Strathgryfe and most of Kyle had been given to [[Walter fitz Alan]] under King [[David I of Scotland|David I]], with [[Hugh de Morville, Lord of Cunningham and Lauderdale|Hugh de Morville]] taking Cunningham.<ref>Barrow, ''Kingdom of the Scots'', p. 251; Stringer, "Early Lords of Lauderdale", pp. 46–7</ref> [[Strathnith]] still had a Gaelic ruler (ancestor of the famous [[Thomas Randolph, 1st Earl of Moray|Randolph earl of Moray]]), but he does not seem to have been part of the kingdom of Galloway.<ref>Balfour Paul, ''Scots Peerage'', vol. vi, pp. 286–91; Barrow, ''Kingdom of the Scots'', pp. 139&ndash40</ref> The rest of the region, Rhinns, Farines, Carrick, Desnes Mór and Desnes Ioan, and the sparsely settled upplands of Glenken, was probably under the control of the sons of [[Fergus of Galloway|Fergus]], [[king of Galloway]], in the years before Donnchadh's career in the region.<ref>Oram, ''Lordship'', p. 103; Woolf, "Age of Sea-Kings", pp. 103</ref> |
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==Origins and family== |
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Donnchadh was the son of [[Gilla Brighde, Lord of Galloway|Gille-Brighde]], son of [[Fergus of Galloway|Fergus]] king of the Gall-Gaidhil. Donnchadh's ancestry cannot be traced further than this; no patronymic is known for Fergus from contemporary sources, and when his successors enumerate their ancestors, they never go earlier than Fergus.<ref>For Alan of Galloway, see Stringer, "Acts of Lordship, p. 224; for Donnchadh, see Innes (ed.), ''Liber Sancte Marie'', vol. i, no. 32, at p. 25, where sometime before 1196 he is described as "Donnchadh, son of Gille-Brighde, son of Fergus, earl of Carrick"</ref> Gille-Brighde, the name of Donnchadh's father and Fergus' son, was the name of the father of [[Somerled|Somhairle]], petty king of Argyll in the third quarter of the 12th century. .<ref name=Woolf-103>Woolf, "Age of Sea-Kings", p. 103</ref> As the original territory of the Galloway kingdom probably adjoined or included Argyll, historian [[Alex Woolf]] has suggested that Fergus and Somhairle were brothers or cousins.<ref name=Woolf-103/> |
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The is a "body of circumstantial evidence" that suggests Donnchadh's mother was a daughter of [[Donnchadh II, Earl of Fife]].<ref>Oram, ''Lordship'', p. 89</ref> This includes Donnchadh's attachment to the [[Cistercian]] nunnery of North Berwick, founded by Donnchadh II of Fife's father [[Donnchad I, Earl of Fife|Donnchadh II of Fife]], the close ties that seemingly exist between the two families, and Donnchadh's own name.<ref>Cowan and Easson, ''Medieval Religious Houses'', pp 147–8; Oram, ''Lordship'', p. 89</ref> The historian who suggested this in 2000, [[Richard Oram]], came to regard it as certain by 2004.<ref>Fawcett and Oram, ''Melrose Abbey'', p. 231&ndash2</ref> |
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Roger of Hoveden described [[Uhtred of Galloway]] as a ''consanguinus'' ("cousin") of King [[Henry II of England]], an assertion that has given rise to the theory that, since Gille-Brighde is never described as such, Fergus must have had two wives, one of whom was a bastard daughter of [[Henry I of England|Henry I]]; that is, Uhtred and his descendants were relations of the English royal family, while Gille-Brighde and his descendants were not.<ref>Anderson, ''Scottish Annals'', p. 257; Oram, ''Lordship'', p. 61; Balfour Paul, ''Scots Peerage'', vol. iv, p. 422</ref> However, according to [[G. W. S. Barrow]], this is disproved by one English royal document, written in the name of King [[John of England|John]], which asserts that Donnchadh was King John's cousin.<ref>Barrow, ''Robert I'', pp. 430–1, n. 28</ref> |
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It is unclear how many siblings Donnchadh had, but two are known. The first, Máel Coluim, was recorded c. 1174, when he led the forces that besieged Gille-Brighde's half-brother Uhtred on "Dee island" (probably [[Threave]]) in Galloway.<ref name=Uhtredfall>Anderson, ''Scottish Annals'', p. 257; Oram, ''Lordship'', p. 61; Paul, ''Scots Peerage'', vol. ii, p. 422</ref> This Máel Coluim captured Uhtred, and Uhtred was blinded, castrated and had his tongue cut out.<ref name=Uhtredfall/> Nothing more is known of Máel Coluim's life, but there is speculation by modern historians that he was illegitimate.<ref>Oram, ''Lordship'', p. 110, n. 39; Paul, ''Scots Peerage'', vol. ii, p. 421</ref> Another brother is known from the records of [[Paisley Abbey]]. In 1233, one Gille-Chonaill Manntach, "the Stammerer" (recorded ''Gillokonel Manthac''), gave evidence regarding a land dispute in Strathclyde; the document described him as the brother of the earl of Carrick, who at that time was Donnchadh.<ref>Balfour Paul, ''Scots Peerage'', p. 422; document is printed in the ''Registrum de Passelet'', pp. 166–168</ref> |
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==Gall-Gaidhil rebellion, civil war and exile== |
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[[Image:Threave Castle 2.jpg|thumb|The Island of Dee, now the location of the late medieval [[Threave Castle]], viewed from the south-east; it was probably this island that Uhtred retreated to when he was besieged by Donnchadh's brother Máel Coluim]] |
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In 1160, [[Máel Coluim mac Eanric]] (Malcolm IV), king of the Scots, forced King Fergus into retirement, and brought Galloway under indirect overlordship.<ref>Barrow, ''Acts of Malcolm IV'', pp. 12&ndash3</ref> It is likely that from 1161 until 1174, Gille-Brighde and Uhtred shared the lordship of the Gall-Gaidhil under the Scottish king's overlordship, with Gille-Brighde in the west, and Uhtred in the east.<ref>Oram, ''Lordship'', pp. 87–92</ref> When in 1174 [[William the Lion]], Máel Coluim's successor, invaded England in an attempt to regain [[Northumberland]] he brought with him both Gille-Brighde and Uhtred.<ref>Oram, ''Lordship'', p. 93</ref> During the invasion, while besieging the [[Alnwick Castle|castle]] at [[Alnwick]], William was caught off-guard and captured .<ref>Barrow, ''Acts of William I'', p. 7</ref> |
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Roger of Hoveden, an English priest who visited Galloway as an emissary of the king and later wrote about the visit as a historian, reported that:{{cquote|When they [the brothers] heard that their lord the king of Scotland was taken, they immediately returned with their Galwegians to their own lands, and at once expelled from Galloway all the bailiffs and guards whom the king of Scotland had set over them; and all the English and French whom they could seize they slew; and all the defences and castles which the king of Scotland had established in their land they besieged, captured and destroyed, and slew all whom they took within them.<ref>Anderson, ''Scottish Annals'', p. 256</ref>}} However, throwing off Scottish overlordship was only the beginning, as the account goes on to tell us that in the same year, Gille-Brighde and Uhtred began to fight each other for domination of the region.<ref name=Uhtredfall/> It ended when Gille-Brighde's son Máel Coluim besieged and captured his uncle Uhtred, who was mutilated before dying in captivity.<ref name=Uhtredfall/> [[William of Newburgh]] claimed that after Uhtred died Gille-Brighde's forces invaded Uhtred's half of the kingdom killing many of the latter's followers, but encountered stiff resistance from Uhtred's son [[Lochlann, Lord of Galloway|Lochlann]] (or Roland).<ref>Oram, ''Lordship'', p. 95</ref> |
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Gille-Brighde's next move was to ask King Henry II to acknowledge his position and accept him as a vassal.<ref name=Oram-96>Oram, ''Lordship'', p. 96</ref> Henry sent an embassy consisting of [future historian] Roger of Hoveden and Robert de Vaux.<ref name=Oram-96/> Roger of Hoveden later related that Gille-Brighde had offered the King of England a one-off payment of 2000 [[Mark (weight)|marks]], and a yearly tribute of 500 cows and 500 pigs, if the king would "remove them [the Galwegians] from the servitude of the king of Scotland".<ref>Anderson, ''Scottish Annals'', p. 258; Oram, ''Lordship'', p. 96</ref> The king did not accept this offer, allegedly condemning Gille-Brighde's [[fratricide]], and instead came to an agreement with King William.<ref name=Oram-96/> In the terms of the [[Treaty of Falaise]], William became the vassal of Henry (expressly according to Hoveden) "for Scotland and Galloway", but was deprived of his castles in [[Lothian]] and [[Teviotdale]].<ref>Roger of Hoveden's account of the treaty, see Anderson, ''Scottish Annals'', p. 259–63; a potentially official version of the agreement is prinited and translated in Stones (ed.), ''Anglo-Scottish Relations'', pp. 3–11</ref> Gille-Brighde, unprotected by the English king, chose not to face Lochlann and William alone, but came to an agreement sometime in 1176.<ref>Oram, ''Lordship'', p. 97</ref> |
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The agreement Gille-Brighde came to with Henry II triggered Donnchadh's first appearance in the sources. In October 1176, according to Roger of Hoveden, Gille-Brighde and King William met the English court at [[Feckenham]] in [[Worcestershire]], a meeting where Gille-Brighde entered King Henry's peace by promising to pay him 1000 marks of silver and by handing over his son Donnchadh as a hostage.<ref>Anderson, ''Scottish Annals'', p. 268; Oram, ''Lordship'', p. 97</ref> Donnchadh was taken into the care of Hugh de Morwic, sheriff of Cumberland.<ref>Corner, Scott, Scott and Watt (eds.), ''Scotichronicon'', vol. 4, p. 546, n. 18; Lawrie, ''Annals'', pp. 218, 254</ref> The agreement seems to have included recognising Donnchadh's right to inherit Gille-Brighde's lands, for nine years later Lochlann's invasion of western Galloway following the death of Gille-Brighde was described by Roger of Hoveden as "contrary to [Henry's] prohibition".<ref>Anderson, ''Scottish Annals'', p. 289; Oram, ''Lordship'', p. 100</ref> |
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==Disputed inheritance== |
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The activities of Donnchadh's father Gille-Brighde after 1176 are unclear, but sometime before 1184 King William raised an army to subdue Gille-Brighde "and the other Galwegians who had wasted his land and slain his vassals"; he held off this endevour, probably because of his worries about the response of Henry II.<ref>Anderson, ''Early Sources'', p. 289; Oram, ''Lordship'', p. 99</ref> According to Hoveden the onset of this conflict had been preceded by an evil omen: the inhabitants of [[Cunninghame]] — a land belonging to the king of the Scots under [[Richard de Morville]] whose daughter and heiress Helen had been married to Lochlann since c. 1176 — said that a fountain near the "church on Uinin" (i.e. [[Kilwinning]]) ran with blood for eight days.<ref>Anderson, ''Scottish Annals'', p .286; Stringer, "Early Lords of Lauderdale", pp. </ref> There were raids on William's territory, but Gille-Brighde's death in 1185 brought these incursions to an end.<ref>Oram, ''Lordship'', pp. 99–100</ref> |
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With the support of the Scottish king, Lochlann responded to his uncle's death by invading his old territory, threatening Donnchadh's inheritance.<ref>Oram, ''Lordship'', pp. 100–1</ref> At this stage, Donnchadh was still a hostage in the care of Hugh de Morwic.<ref>Lawrie, ''Annals'', p. 218</ref> The ''Gesta Annalia'' claimed that Donnchadh's patrimony was defended by chieftains called Samuel, Gille-Patraic, and Eanric Mac Cennetig ("Henry Mac Kennedy"), whose [[Lord Kennedy|famous descendants]] would become the hereditary stewards of Carrick.<ref>Oram, ''Lordship'', p. 100</ref> Lochlann met these men in battle, on 4 July 1185, and according to the ''Chronicle of Melrose'' Gille-Patraic was killed and more of his men were killed than Lochlann's.<ref>Anderson, ''Early Sources'', vol. ii, pp. 309–10</ref> Another battle took place on 30 September, according to the ''Chronicle'', against a chief named Gille-Coluim; the latter was killed, but so too was Lochlann's unnamed brother.<ref>Anderson, ''Early Sources'', vol. ii, p. 310; Oram, ''Lordship'', p. 100</ref> |
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The activities of Lochlann provoked a response in King Henry who, according to historian Richard Oram, "was not prepared to accept a ''fait accompli'' that disiherited the son of a useful vassal, flew in the face of the settlement which he had imposed..., and deprived him of influence over a vitally strategic zone on the north-west periphery of his realm".<ref>Oram, ''Lordship'', p. 100</ref> According to Hoveden, in May 1186 Henry summoned the king and magnates of Scotland and instructed them to subdue Lochlann; in response Lochlann "collected numerous horse and foot and obstructed the entrances to Galloway and its roads to what extent he could".<ref>Anderson, ''Scottish Annals'', p. 289</ref> Historian Richard Oram did not believe that the Scots were really intending to do this, as Lochlann was their dependent, and this probably explains why Henry himself raised an army and marched north to [[Carlisle]].<ref>Anderson, ''Scottish Annals'', pp. 289–90; Corner, et al, ''Scotichronicon'', vol. iv, pp. 366&ndash7; Oram, ''Lordship'', p. 101</ref> When Henry arrived, the Angevin monarch instructed King William and his brother earl [[David of Huntingdon]] to bring Lochlann to Carlisle.<ref>Anderson, ''Scottish Annals'', pp. 289–90; Oram, ''Lordship'', p. 101</ref> |
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==Mormaer of Carrick== |
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As Lochlan refused to come, subsequently Henry sent an embassy consisting of [[Hugh de Puiset]], [[List of bishops of Durham|Bishop of Durham]] and Justiciar [[Ranulf de Glanville]], who gave hostages to Lochlann.<ref name=A290-O101>Anderson, ''Scottish Annals'', p. 290; Oram, ''Lordship'', p. 101</ref> With Lochlann feeling safer, they were able to return to Carlise with Lochlann in their train.<ref name=A290-O101/> Hoveden says that Lochlann was allowed to keep the land that his father Uhtred had held "on the day he was alive and dead", but that the land of Gille-Brighde that was claimed by Donnchadh son of Gille-Brighde would be settled in Henry's court, to which Lochlann would be summoned.<ref name=A290-O101/> Lochlann agreed to these terms.<ref name=A290-O101/> King William and Earl David swore an oath to enforce this agreement, with [[Jocelin (Bishop of Glasgow)|Jocelin]], [[Bishop of Glasgow]], instructed to [[excommunicate]] any party that should breach their oath.<ref name=A290-O101/> |
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There is no record of this subsequent court hearing, but the ''Gesta Annalia'' related that Donnchadh was granted Carrick on condition of peace with Lochlann, and emphasises the role of King William (as opposed to Henry) in resolving the conflict.<ref>Corner (et al.), ''Scotichronicon'', vol. iv, pp. 366–9</ref> Historian Richard Oram has pointed out that Donnchadh's grant to Melrose Abbey between 1189 and 1198 was witnessed by his cousin Lochlann, evidence that relations between the two may have become more cordial.<ref name=Oram-103-4>Oram, ''Lordship'', pp. 103–4</ref> Although details do not exist in contemporary sources, the settlement did lead to Donnchadh gaining possession of some of his father's land in the west of the kingdom of Galloway, namely what was to become the "earldom" of Carrick.<ref name=Oram-103-4/> |
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When Donnchadh actually began using the title of "earl" (Latin: ''comes''), or in his own language ''mormaer'', is a debated question. Historian [[Alan Orr Anderson]] argued that he began using the title of ''comes'' between 1214 and 1216, based on Donnchadh's subscription of two charters issued by Thomas de Colville; the first, Melrose 193 (called such by its number in [[Cosmo Innes]]'s printed version of the [[cartulary]]), Anderson dated to 1214.<ref name=Anderson-Melrose-193>Anderson, ''Early Sources'', vol. ii, pp. 330–1, n. 2; Innes (ed.), ''Liber de Sancte Marie'', vol. i, no. 193, p. 173</ref> Here Donnchadh has no style.<ref name=Anderson-Melrose-193/> The other, Melrose 192, he dated to 1216, and in this Donnchadh was styled "earl" (''comes'').<ref>Anderson, ''Early Sources'', vol. ii, pp. 330–1, n. 2; Innes (ed.), ''Liber de Sancte Marie'', vol. i, nos. 192 and 193, pp. 172–3</ref> |
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Oram however pointed out that Donnchadh was styled "earl" in a grant to Melrose Abbey witnessed by Richard de Morville (Melrose 32), who died in 1196.<ref>Innes (ed.), ''Liber de Sancte Marie'', vol. i, no. 32, pp. 25–6; Oram, ''Lordship'', p. 111, n. 80</ref> If the wording is accurate, then Donnchadh was using the title before the time of Richard's death in that year.<ref>Oram, ''Lordship'', p. 111, n. 80</ref> Anderson dated Melrose no. 192 with reference to Abbot William III de Courcy (abbot from 1215 to 1216), but Oram identified this Abbot William as Abbot William II (abbot from 1202 to 1206 ), yielding an earlier date for Donnchadh's use of the title.<ref>Oram, ''Lordship'', p. 111, n. 80; Watt and Shead, ''Heads of Religious Houses'', pp. 149–50</ref> |
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==Activities in and around Carrick== |
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Evidence is thin for Donnchadh's activities in what later became southern Scotland. The one notable act was his marriage to Avelina, daughter of [[Alan fitz Walter]], lord of Strathgryfe and [northern] Kyle and [[High Steward of Scotland]]. This marriage is known from Roger of Hoveden's ''Chronica'', which recorded that in 1200 Donnchadh: {{cquote|Carried off (''rapuit'') Avelina, daughter of Alan fitz Walter, lord of Renfrew, before William king of Scotland returned from England to his own land. And hence that king was exceeding wroth; and he took from Alan fitz Walter twenty-four pledges that he would preserve the peace with his and with his land, and take the law about his law.<ref>Anderson, ''Scottish Annals'', p. 325; Lawrie, ''Annals'', pp. 326–7</ref>}} This marriage, from Donnchadh's perspective, bound him closer to the Anglo-Norman circles of the northern part of the region south of the Forth, while from Alan's point of view it was part of a series of moves to expand his territory further into former Gall-Gaidhil lands, moves that included an alliance a few years before with another Firth of Clyde Gaelic prince, [[Raghnall mac Somhairle]].<ref>Oram, ''Lordship'', p. 132</ref> Alan, who died four years later, fell into disgrace with King William and disappears from royal circles, but his son Walter (nicknamed ''Óg'', "the little" or "younger", in several Melrose charters) recovered the family's position and by the late 1210s held, along with the Galloway family, a dominant position in the councils of William's successor [[Alexander II of Scotland|Alexander II]].<ref>Boardman, "Gaelic World", p. 92; Innes (ed.), ''Liber de Sancte Marie'', vol. ii, nos. 452–5, pp. 420–3 ; Oram, ''Lordship'', pp. 132–3</ref> |
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Records also exist for Donnchadh's religious patronage, and these records provide evidence for Donnchadh's associates as well as the patronage itself. Around 1200 Earl Donnchadh allowed the monks of [[Melrose Abbey]] use of [[saltpan]]s from his land at [[Turnberry Castle|Turnberry]].<ref>Fawcett and Oram, ''Melrose Abbey'', p. 243; Innes (ed.), ''Liber de Sancte Marie'', no. 37, p. 29; Reid and Barrow, ''Sheriffs of Scotland'', p. 3</ref> Between 1189 and 1198 he had granted the church of ''Maybothelbeg'' ("Little [[Maybole]]"), and the lands of Beath (''Bethóc''), to this Cistercian house.<ref>Innes (ed.), ''Liber de Sancte Marie'', vol. i, nos. 29 and 30, pp. 20–4; Oram, ''Lordship'', p. 104</ref> This grant is mentioned by the ''Chronicle of Melrose'', s.a. 1193: {{cquote|Donnchadh, son of Gille-Brighde, of Galloway, gave to God and St Mary and the monks of Melrose a certain part of their in Carrick that is called Maybole, in perpetual alms, for the salvation of his soul, and the souls of all his relatives; in presence of bishop Joceline, and many other witnesses<ref>Anderson, ''Early Sources'', p. 330</ref>}} These estates were very rich, and were attached to Melrose's super-[[monastic grange|grange]] at [[Mauchline]] in Kyle.<ref>Fawcett and Oram, ''Melrose Abbey'', pp. 228–40 for details</ref> In 1285 it was able to persuade the earl of the time to force its tenants in Carrick to use the ''lex Anglicana'' (the "English law")<ref>Barrow, ''Anglo-Norman Era'', p. 119; Innes (ed.), ''Liber de Sancte Marie'', vol. i, no. 316, p. 277–8</ref> |
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Witness to both grants were some prominent churchman connected with Melrose, magnates like [[Donnchad II, Earl of Fife|Donnchadh, Earl of Fife]], the latter's son [[Maol Choluim I, Earl of Fife|Máel Coluim]], [[Gille Brigte, Earl of Strathearn|Gille-Brighde, Earl of Strathearn]], as well as probable members of Donnchadh's retinue, like Gille-Osald mac Gille-Anndrais, Gille-nan-Náemh mac Cholmain, Gille-Chríst Bretnach ("the Briton"), and his [[chamberlain]] Étgar mac Muireadhaich.<ref>Carrick and Maidment, ''Some Account of the Ancient Earldom of Carric'', p. 28; Innes (ed.), ''Liber de Sancte Marie'', vol. i, nos. 29, 30, pp. 20–4</ref> Áedh son of the [[mormaer of Lennox]] also witnessed these grants, and sometime between 1208 and 1214 Donnchadh (as "Lord Donnchadh") subscribed a charter of [[Maol Domhnaich, Earl of Lennox|Máel Domhnaich]], son and heir of Mormaer [[Ailín II, Earl of Lennox|Ailean II]], to the bishopric of Glasgow regarding the church of [[Campsie, Stirlingshire|Campsie]].<ref>Innes (ed.), ''Registrum Episcopatus Glasguensis'', vol. i, no. 102, pp. 87–8; Neville, ''Native Lordship'', p. 55</ref> |
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There are records of patronage towards the nunnery of [[North Berwick]], a house founded by Donnchadh's cousin [[Donnchad I, Earl of Fife|Donnchadh I, Earl of Fife]].<ref>Cowan and Easson, ''Medieval Religious Houses'', p. 147</ref> His famous and enduring grant to that house was the rectory of church of St Cuthbert of [[Maybole]], which he granted to North Berwick sometime between 1189 and 1250.<ref>Innes (ed.), ''Carte Monialium de Northberwic'', nos. 14–4, pp. 13–4; Watt and Murray, ''Fasti Ecclesiae'', p. 238</ref> In addition to Maybole, he bestowed the church of [[St Brigit]] at Kirkbride, to the nuns, as well as a grant of 3 marks from a place called ''Barrebeth''.<ref>Cowan, ''Parishes'', p. 118; Innes (ed.), ''Carte Monialium de Northberwic'', nos. 1, 28, pp. 3, 30–1</ref> Relations with the bishop of Glasgow, within whose diocese Carrick lay, are also attested. For instance, on 21 July 1225, at [[Ayr]] in Kyle, he made a promise of teinds to [[Walter Capellanus|Walter]], Bishop of Glasgow <ref>Innes (ed.), ''Registrum Episcopatus Glasguensis'', vol. i, no. 139, pp. 117&ndash8; Shead and Cunningham, "Glasgow"</ref> |
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==Donnchadh's Anglo-Normans== |
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Evidence of religious patronage reveals evidence of two Anglo-Normans present in Donnchadh's territory. Some of Donnchadh's charters to Melrose were subscribed by an Anglo-Norman knight named Roger de Skelbrooke, who appears to have been lord of [[Greenan Castle|Greenan]].<ref>Barrow, ''Anglo-Norman Era'', pp. 46, 115</ref> He himself made grants to Melrose regarding the land of ''Drumeceisuiene'' (i.e. [[Drumshang]] near [[Dunure]]), grants confirmed by "his lord" Donnchadh.<ref>Carrick and Maidment, ''Some Account of the Ancient Earldom of Carric'', p. 28; Innes (ed.), ''Liber de Sancte Marie'', vol. i, nos. 31&ndash5, pp. 24–8</ref> This knight gave Melrose fishing rights in the [[river Doon]], rights confirmed by Donnchadh too and later by Roger's son-in-law and successor Ruaidhri mac Gille-Escoib (''Raderic mac Gillescop'').<ref>Fawcett and Oram, ''Melrose Abbey'', p. 243; Innes (ed.), ''Liber de Sancte Marie'', vol. i, nos. 34–6, pp. 27–9</ref> |
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The other known Anglo-French knight was Thomas de Colville. Thomas was the younger son of the lord of [[Castle Bytham]], a significant landowner in [[Yorkshire]] and [[Lincolnshire]]<ref>Barrow, ''Anglo-Norman Era'', pp. 31, 177</ref> Around 1190 he was constable of [[Dumfries]], the royal castle which had been implanted in Strathnith by the Scottish king, and probably overrun by the Gall-Gaidhil in the revolt of 1174 before being restored.<ref>Barrow, ''Anglo-Norman Era'', p. 31; Duncan, ''Scotland'', pp. 182–3</ref> In the opening years of the 13th century he made a grant of land around [[Dalmellington]] to the Cistercians of [[Vaudey Abbey]] in Lincolnshire, indicating that he had land there (under Donnchadh) with which to dispose.<ref>Barrow, ''Anglo-Norman Era'', p. 31–2; Innes (ed.), ''Liber de Sancte Marie'', vol. i, nos. 192 and 193, pp. 172–3</ref> Historians Geoffrey Barrow and Hector MacQueen both thought that Thomas' nickname "the Scot" (which then could mean "a Gael" as well as someone from north of the Forth), is a reflection of Thomas' exposure to the culture of the south-west during his career there.<ref>Barrow, ''Anglo-Norman Era'', p. 31; MacQueen, ""Survival and Success", p. 77</ref> |
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It is not known how these two men joined the service and acquired the patronage of Donnchadh or his family. In 1980 historian of Anglo-Norman Scotland Geoffrey Barrow could find no cause for their presence in the area, and declared that they were "for the present impossible to account for".<ref>Barrow, ''Anglo-Norman Era'', pp. 46–7</ref> As Richard Oram pointed out, in one of the charters by Roger de Skelbrooke he called Gille-Brighde "my lord", indicating that Donnchadh probably inherited them in his territory.<ref>Oram, ''Lordship'', pp. 90–1</ref> Neither of them left traceable offspring in the region, and if even they did represent for Carrick the embryonic stages of the kind of Normanisation that was taking place further east, the process was halted during Donnchadh's period as earl.<ref>Barrow, ''Anglo-Norman Era'', pp. 31&ndash2; Oram, ''Lordship'', p. </ref> As for Vaudey Abbey's lands, by 1223 they handed it over to Melrose Abbey because it was "useless and dangerous to them, both on account of the absense of law and order, and by reason of the insidious attacks of a barbarous people".<ref>Barrow, ''Anglo-Norman Era'', p. 32; Innes (ed.), ''Liber de Sancte Marie'', vol. i, no. 195, pp. 174–5</ref> |
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==Foundation of Crossraguel== |
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[[File:Crossraguel abbey intact.jpg|right|thumb|James A Morris's illustration of how the Cluniac Abbey of Crosssraguel roughly looked before its destruction in the early modern era]] |
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His most important long-term patronage however was the series of gifts to [[Cluniac]] [[abbey of Paisley]] that led to the foundation of a [[Cluniac]] monastery at [[Crossraguel]] (''Crois Riaghail''). At some date before 1227 he granted Crossraguel and ''Suthblan'' to Paisley, a grant that was confirmed by [[Pope Honorius III]] on 23 January 1227.<ref>Cowan and Easson, ''Medieval Religious Houses'', pp. 63–4</ref> A royal confirmation by King [[Alexander III of Scotland]] dated to 25 August 1236 shows that Donnchadh granted the monastery the churches of Kirkoswald (Turnberry), [[Straiton]] and Dalmaquharren (i.e. [[Dailly]]).<ref>Cowan, ''Parishes'', pp. 123, 189–90</ref> He may also have given the churches of [[Girvan]] and Kirkcudbright-Innertig (i.e. [[Ballantrae]]).<ref>Cowan, ''Parishes'', pp. 73, 120; another early possession of Crossraguel was the church of [[Inchmarnock]], for which see Cowan, ''Parishes'', pp. 35–6</ref> |
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It is clear from several sources that Donnchadh made these grants on the condition that Paisley establish another Cluniac house in Carrick, but that the abbey of Paisley failed to do so and argued that it did not need to.<ref>Cowan and Easson, ''Medieval Religious Houses'', pp. 63–4</ref> Intervention by the Bishop of Glasgow in 1244 determined that a house of cluniac monks from Paisley should indeed be founded there, that the house should be exempt from the jurisdiction of Paisley save recognition of the common Cluniac Order, and that the abbot of Paisley would visit the house annually; after which, the Carrick properties of Paisley should be handed over to the possession of the newly established monastery.<ref>Cowan and Easson, ''Medieval Religious Houses'', p. 64; Cowan, ''Parishes'', p. 123</ref> |
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A papal bull of 11 July 1265 reveals that the Paisley monks had built only a small oratory there served by Paisley monks, resulting in a continuation of the dispute between Donnchadh and Paisley.<ref name=Cowan-64>Cowan and Easson, ''Medieval Religious Houses'', p. 64</ref> Twenty years after the bishop's ruling Paisley complained to the papacy, which led [[Pope Clement IV]] to issue two bulls, dated 11 June 1265 and 6 February 1266, appointing mandatories to settle the dispute, though the specific result is unknown.<ref name=Cowan-64/> Crossraguel was thus finally founded until around two decades after Donnchadh's death, probably by 1270, and its first abbot Abbot Patrick is attested 1274 x 1292.<ref>Cowan and Easson, ''Medieval Religious Houses'', pp. 63–4; Watt and Shead, ''Heads of Religious Houses'', p. 47</ref> |
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==Irish involvement== |
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The beginning of our information about Donnchadh's and indeed Gall-Gaidhil involvement in Ulster, is marked by Roger of Hoveden's entry about the death of Jordan de Courcy, brother of [[John de Courcy]] prince of Ulster.<ref>Greeves, "Galloway lands in Ulster", p. 115</ref> It related that in 1197, after the death of Jordan, John sought vengeance and {{cquote|Fought a battle with the petty-kings of Ireland, of whom he put some to flight, slew others, and subjugated their territories; of which he gave no small part to Donnchadh, son of Gille-Brighde, the son of Fergus, who, at the time that the said John was about to engage with the Irish, came to assist him with no small body of troops.<ref>Riley (ed.), ''Annals of Roger de Hoveden'', vol. ii, p. 404</ref>}} What is now the eastern portion of Ulster had been conquered by John de Courcy in 1177, and held for several decades before he lost this territory to his rival Hugh de Lacy after his capture in 1203. <ref name=Duffy-Courcy>Duffy, "Courcy [Courci], John de"</ref> John de Courcy married, around 1180, Affraic ingen Gofraidh, a woman whose father Gofraid was the son of Affraic ingen Fergusa, Donnchadh's aunt.<ref>Duffy, "Courcy [Courci], John de"; Oram, ''Lordship'', p. 105</ref> John de Courcy, with help from his wife's brother Raghnall mac Gofraidh [[king of Mann]], and perhaps from Donnchadh, tried to regain his principality, but was unsuccessful.<ref name=Duffy-Courcy/> However, Hugh de Lacy, now earl of Ulster, and his associate William III de Briouze, themselves fell foul of King John, who campaigned in Ireland against them in 1210, a campaign that forced de Lacy to flee to St Andrews in Scotland and de Briouze back to Wales.<ref>Smith, "Lacy, Hugh de, earl of Ulster"</ref> Donnchadh captured Matilda de Hay, wife of William de Briouze |
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There are several indications from English records tracing Donnchadh's continued involvement in Ireland at this point. One document, after describing how William de Briouze became the king's enemy in England and Ireland, records that in 1210 after Henry arrived : {{cquote|[William de Briouze's] wife fled to Scotland with William and Reinald her sons, and her private retinue, in the company of Hugh de Lacy, and when the king was at Carrickfergus castle, a certain friend and cousin of his of Galloway, namely Donnchadh of Carrick, reported to the king that he had taken her and her daughter the wife of Roger de Mortimer, and William junior, with his wife and two sons, but Hugh de Lacy and Reinald escaped.<ref>Bain (ed.), ''Calendar of Documents'', vol. i, no. 480, p. 82; spellings modernised</ref>}} Subsequently, Matilda was imprisoned by the king, leading to death by starvation.<ref>Lawrie, ''Annals'', p. 327</ref> Another document, this one preserved in an Irish memoranda roll dating to the reign of King [[Henry VI of England|Henry VI]], records that after John's Irish expedition of 1210, Donnchadh came into or was recognised in possession of extensive territory in [[County Antrim]], namely the settlements of [[Larne]] and [[Glenarm]] with 50 [[carucate]]s of land in between, a territory similar to the later [[barony]] of Upper Glenarm.<ref>Duffy, "Lords of Galloway", p. 37</ref> King John had given or recognised Donnchadh's possession of this territory as a reward for his help; similarly, John had given Donnchadh's cousin Ailean Mac Uchtraigh (i.e. [[Alan of Galloway]]) a huge lordship equivalent to 140 knights fees that included most of northern county Antrim and [[county Derry]], as the prize for use of Ailean's soldiers and galleys.<ref>Duffy, "Lords of Galloway", p. 38</ref> |
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By 1219 however, Donnchadh and his nephew Alaxandair (Alexander) appear to have lost all or most of this land, a document of that year relating that the [[Justiciar of Ireland]] Geoffrey de Marisco had disseised them believing them to have been against King John in the rebellion of 1215–6.<ref name=Bain737-Duffy>Bain (ed.), ''Calendar of Documents'', vol. i, no. 737, p. 130; Duffy, "Lords of Galloway", pp. 43–4</ref> The King found that this was not true, and ordered that Donnchadh and his nephew be restored.<ref name=Bain737-Duffy/> By 1224, de Lacy's adherents were gaining more ground in Ireland, and King Henry III ordered [[Henry de Loundres]], [[Archbishop_of_Dublin_(Roman_Catholic)|Archbishop of Dublin]] and new [[Justiciar of Ireland]], to restore to Donnchadh "the remaining part of the land given to him by King John in Ireland, unless anyone held it by his father's own precept".<ref>Bain (ed.), ''Calendar of Documents'', vol. i, no. 874, p. 155; Balfour Paul, ''Scots Peerage'', vol. ii, p. 422, n. 7; Smith, "Lacy, Hugh de"</ref> |
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Later in the same year Donnchadh wrote to King Henry, as follows: {{cquote|[Donnchadh] Thanks him for the mandate which he directed by him to the Justiciar of Ireland, to restore his land there, of which he had been disseized on account of the English war; but as the land has not yet been restored, he asks the King to give by him a more effectual command to the Justiciar.<ref>Bain (ed.), ''Calendar of Documents'', vol. i, no. 878, p. 156</ref>}} Henry's response was a [[writ]] to his Justiciar: |
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{{cquote|King John granted to Donnchadh of Carrick, land in Ulster called ''Balgeithelauche'' [probably [[Ballygalley]], county Antrim]. He says Hugh de Lacy disseized him and gave it to another. The King commands the Earl to inquire who has it, and its tenure; and if his right is insufficient, to give Donnchadh the land during the king's pleasure. At Bedford.<ref>Bain (ed.), ''Calendar of Documents'', vol. i, no. 879, p. 156</ref>}} |
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It is unlikely that Donnchadh ever regained his territory, the same land later being controlled by the Bisset family after Hugh was formally restored to the earldom of Ulster in 1227. Historian Séan Duffy argues that Donnchadh's enemy Hugh de Lacy was helped by this family (later known as the "Bissets of the Glens"), and probably got Donnchadh's territory.<ref>These were Anglo-French nobles who were settling in northern Scotland at this time in the lordship of the [[Aird, Inverness|Aird]] (''An Àird'') in the aftermath of the destruction of the [[Meic Uilleim]] and would quickly become Gaelicised; Duffy, "Lords of Galloway", pp. 39–42, 50</ref> |
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==Death and legacy== |
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Donnchadh was said by the Martyrology of Glasgow to have died on 13 June 1250, and was succeeded in the earldom by [[Niall of Carrick|Niall]].<ref>Balfour Paul, ''Scots Peerage'', vol. ii, p. 423; Innes (ed.), ''Registrum Episcopatus Glasguensis'', vol. ii, p. 616</ref> The traditional view, going back to the 19th-century, is that this Niall was Donnchadh's son.<ref>Balfour Paul, ''Scots Peerage'', vol. ii, p. 423; MacQueen, "Survival and Success", p. 72</ref> This view has been undermined through more recent research by genealogist Andrew MacEwen, who has argued that Niall was not the son of Donnchadh, but rather his grandson; this view was embraced by leading Scottish medievalist Professor Geoffrey Barrow.<ref name=Barrow-Niall>Barrow, ''Robert Bruce'', pp. 34–5;, 430, n. 26</ref> According to this argument, Donnchadh's son and intended heir was [[Cailean mac Donnchaidh]] (alias ''Nicholaus''), who issued a charter in Donnchadh's lifetime as his son and heir.<ref name=Barrow-Niall/> |
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Another of Donnchadh's sons, Eóin (John), owned the land of [[Straiton]]. He was involved in the [[Gille Ruadh|Galwegian revolt of Gille-Ruadh]] in 1235, during which he attacked some churches in the [[diocese of Glasgow]].<ref name=Eoin>Balfour Paul, ''Scots Peerage'', vol. ii, p. 243; Innes (ed.), ''Registrum Episcopatus Glasguensis'', vol. i, no. 187, pp. 151–2</ref> He received a pardon by granting patronage of the church of Straiton and the land of ''Hachinclohyn'' to [[William de Bondington]], [[Bishop of Glasgow]], which was confirmed by Alexander II in 1244.<ref name=Eoin/> Two other sons, Ailean (Alan) and Alaxandair (Alexander), are attested subscribing to Donnchadh and Cailean's charters to North Berwick.<ref>Balfour Paul, ''Scots Peerage'', vol. ii, p. 243; Innes (ed.), ''Carte Monialium de Northberwic'', nos. 13–4, pp. 13–5; MacQueen, "Kin of Kennedy", p. 284, illus; MacQueen, "Survival and Success", p. 72, illus; there is a possibility that he had two sons named Alaxandair, as appears in MacQueen's illustrations</ref> A Melrose charter mentions that Ailean was [[parson]] of ''Kirchemanen''.<ref>Balfour Paul, ''Scots Peerage'', vol. ii, p. 243; Innes (ed.), ''Liber de Sancte Marie'', vol. i, no. 189, pp. 170–1</ref> Caillean, and presumably Donnchadh's other legitimate sons, died before their father.<ref name=Barrow-Niall/> |
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Donnchadh's probable grandson, Niall, lived only six years and died leaving only four daughters, only one of whom is known by name.<ref>Balfour Paul, ''Scots Peerage'', p. 426; MacQueen, "Survival and Success", p. 78</ref> The latter, presumably the eldest, was [[Marjory of Carrick]] who succeeded him, marrying in turn Adam of Kilconquhar (died 1269), a member of the [[Mac Duibh]] family of Fife, and [[Robert VI de Brus]], [[Lord of Annandale]].<ref>MacQueen, "Survival and Success", p. 78</ref> Marjorie's son Robert VII de Brus, through military success and ancestral kinship with the [[Dunkeld dynasty]], became King of the Scots and King [[Robert I of Scotland]]. King Robert's brother, [[Edward de Brus]], became if only temporarily and only in name, [[High King of Ireland]]. Under the Bruces and their successors to the Scottish throne, the title Earl of Carrick became a prestigious honorific title usually given to a son of the king or intended heir.<ref>Boardman, ''Early Stewart Kings'', pp. 22, 57, 198&ndash9, 279, 282, 294–5</ref> |
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This was because sometime between 1250 and 1256 Earl Niall, expecting that the earldom would be taken over by a man from another family, issued a charter to Lochlann (''Roland'') of Carrick (a son or grandson of one of Donnchadh's brothers) granting him the "Cenn Cineoil" (''kenkynnol''), with the right to lead the men of Carrick, the right of ''camlumpnie'' (a power to accuse and arrest in Galwegian law) and with possesion of office of baillie of Carrick under whoever would be earl.<ref>MacQueen, "Kin of Kennedy", pp. 278–80; MacQueen, "Survival and Success", pp. 76, 78–80</ref> This act had precedent in other Gaelic families of Scotland, having previously been done in Fife, and was a way of ensuring that the kin-group retained strong locally-based male leadership even when the new common law of Scotland forced the comital title to pass into the hands of another family.<ref>Bannerman, "Macduff of Fife", pp. 20–28, for discussion in relation to Fife; MacQueen, ''Common Law'', p. 174</ref> By 1372 this office, by marriage, passed to the [[Kennedy family of Dunure]].<ref>MacQueen, "Kin of Kennedy", p. 278</ref> |
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The 17th-century genealogical compilation known as ''Ane Accompt of the Genealogie of the Campbells'' by Robert Duncanson, minister of [[Campbeltown]], claimed that "Efferic" (i.e. Affraic or Afraig), wife of [[Gilleasbaig of Menstrie]] (fl. 1263–6) and mother of Campbell progenitor [[Cailean Mór]], was the daughter of one Cailean (anglicised ''Colin''), "Lord of Carrick".<ref>Boardman, ''Campbells'', p. 18; Campbell of Airds, ''History'', p. 41; Sellar, "Earliest Campbells", p. 115</ref> As ''Ane Accompt'' is a credible witness to much earlier material, the claim is thought to be potentially accurate.<ref>Sellar, "Earliest Campbells", pp. 115–6</ref> Thus Donnchadh was probably the great-grandfather of Cailean Mór, a lineage that explains the popularity of the names Donnchadh (Duncan) and Cailean (Colin) among later Campbells, as well as their close alliance to King Robert I during the [[Scottish Wars of Independence]].<ref>Campbell of Airds, ''History'', pp. 41–2; Sellar, "Earliest Campbells", p. 116</ref> |
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==Notes== |
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{{Reflist|2}} |
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==References== |
==References== |
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===Primary sources=== |
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{{refend}} |
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[[Category:1250 deaths]] |
[[Category:1250 deaths]] |
Revision as of 09:37, 22 June 2009
Donnchadh ("Duncan") | |
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Mormaer or Earl of Carrick | |
Reign | c. 1186 – 1250 |
Predecessor | Gille-Brighde mac Fergusa |
Heirs | Niall mac Donnchaidh |
Burial | unknown |
Modern Gaelic | Donnchadh mac Ghille-Brìghde |
Latin | Don[n]ecanus or Dun[e]canus filius Gilleberti |
Norman French | Dunecan fitz Gilbert |
Father | Gille-Brighde of Galloway |
Mother | uncertain, but perhaps a daughter of Donnchadh II, Earl of Fife |
Donnchadh or Donnchad (Anglicised [mainly] as Duncan), son of Gille-Brighde, was a Gall-Gaidhil prince and Scottish magnate whose career stretched from the last quarter of the 12th-century to his death half way through the 13th-century. His father Gille-Brighde of Galloway and uncle Uhtred of Galloway were the two rival sons of Fergus, "king" or "lord" of Galloway. The forced retirement of Fergus to Holyrood Abbey in 1160 led to the partition of his kingdom between them, and closer overlordship from the Scottish king. Upon the capture of William the Lion, king of the Scots in 1174, a struggle broke out leading to the death of Uhtred of Galloway and the intervention of both English and Scottish kings. Donnchadh served as a hostage for nearly a decade somewhere in England, but following his father's death was able with the help of King Henry II of England to return to his territory. Although denied succession to the full lordship of the Gall-Gaidhil, or even most of its territory, he was established in the territory of Carrick.
Partially owing the geographic and cultural distance of the region from the main centres of literary production, comparatively little is known about Donnchadh's life and rule. He is documented fighting battles is Ireland, as an ally of John de Courcy, and as acquiring and losing land there, but the details of this are unclear. A patron of religious houses, particularly Melrose Abbey and North Berwick nunnery, he attempted to establish his own monastery in his own territory, at Crossraguel. He married the daughter of Alan fitz Walter, leading member of the family that would later be known as the House of Stewart, future monarchs of Scotland and England. Donnchadh was the first mormaer or "earl" of the lordship of Carrick, ruling for over 6 decades, making him one of the longest serving magnates in medieval Scotland. His descendants include the Bruce and Stewart kings of Scotland, the Kennedy Earls of Cassilis, and probably the Campbell dukes of Argyll.
Sources
Donnchadh's career is documented very poorly. Most of his activity from the beginning of his career in the mid-to-late 1180s until his death in the middle of the 13th-century goes unrecorded. Charters are one of the exceptions to this, though charters were in this period produced and kept by Anglo-Norman religious houses and nobles, primarily in their interest, and no cartularies from established monasteries in the Gaelic south-west has survived the Middle Ages.[1] Added to charters are some English government records recording his activities in relation to Ireland, while occasional chronicle entries from England and the English-speaking regions of what became south-eastern Scotland record other important details. Aside from the Chronicle of Melrose, the most important of these are the works of Roger of Hoveden and the material preserved in the writings of John of Fordun and Walter Bower.
Roger of Hovesden authored two important works: the Gesta Henrici II, formerly attributed to Benedict of Peterborough, and his Chronica.[2] The Gesta Henrici II covers the period from 1169 to Arpil 1192, while the Chronica covers events up until 1201.[3] These works are the most important and valuable sources for Scottish history in the late 12th-century.[3] Roger of Hoveden is particularly important in relation to what is now south-western Scotland, the land of the Gall-Gaidhil. Roger served as an English emissary in the region in 1174, and the account he offers of the approach of Donnchadh's father Gille-Brighde towards the English king thus comes from one of the latter's own representative in the matter.[4] It is Roger who reveals that Gille-Brighde handed Donnchadh over as a hostage to Henry II under the care of Hugh de Morwic, sheriff of Cumberland, that Donnchcadh's married the daughter of Alan fitz Walter under the protest of the Scottish king, and that Donnchadh fought a battle in Ireland in 1197 assisting John de Courcy, prince of Ulster.[5]
Another potentially important chronicle source is the material preserved in John of Fordun's Chronica gentis Scottorum and Walter Bower's Scotichronicon. John of Fordun's work, incorporated in the following century into the work of Bower, was written and compiled sometime between 1384 and August 1387.[6] Scottish textual historian Dauvit Broun has shown that Fordun's work comprises two earlier pieces, Gesta Annalia I and Gesta Annalia II, the former covering the period from King Máel Coluim mac Donnchada (died 1093) up to 2 February 1285 and written before April 1285.[7] This was based in turn on an earlier text about the descendants of St Margaret written at Dunfermline and another chronicle closely related to the Chronicle of Melrose and the Chronicle of Holryrood.[8] Thus the few references contained in this material to late 12th-century and early 13th-century Gall-Gaidhil events may come from reliable contemporary or near-contemporary sources, even if it was continually reworked for different purposes in later years.[9]
Geographic and cultural background
In the late 12th-century, what is now Scotland south of the river Forth was a multi-cultural region.[11] North of the Forth was the Gaelic kingdom of Scotland (Alba), which under its partially Normanised kings exercised direct or indirect control over most of the region.[12] In Lothian and the Merse, were the heartlands of the northern part of the old English earldom of Northumbria.[13] In the late 12th-century, the people of Lothian, Merse, Lauderdale, Eskdale, Liddesdale, and most of Teviotdale and Annandale were English in language and regarded themselves as English, despite having been under the control of the king of the Scots for at least a century.[14] In Clydesdale, also known as Strathclyde, lay the heartland of the old Kingdom of Strathclyde, where by Donnchadh's day French, Anglo-French, English and Flemish settlers were thickly settled under Scottish overlordship,[15] so that the British language of the area was probably either dead or almost dead, perhaps surviving only in the uplands of Clydedale, Tweeddale and Annandale.[16] Gaelic had penetrated much of the old Northumbrian and Strathclyde territories, coming from the west, south-west and the north, a situation that led historian Alex Woolf to compare the region to the Balkans.[17]
The rest of the region was settled by the people called 'Gall-Gaidhil (modern Scottish Gaelic: Gall-Ghàidheil) in their own language, variations of Gallwedienses in Latin, and normally Galwegians or Gallovidians in modern English.[18] References in the 11th-century to the kingdom of the Gall-Gaidhil centre the kingdom far to the north of what is now Galloway.[19] Kingarth (Cenn Garadh) and Eigg (Eic) were described as "in Galloway" (Gallgaidelaib) by the Matyrology of Óengus, in contrast to Whithorn (Futerna) and Dunragit (Dún Reichet) — both part of modern Galloway — which were part of a different kingdom, the Kingdom of the Rhinns (Na Renna).[20] These areas had been part of the Kingdom of Northumbria until the 9th-century, and afterward became Gaelic in language in a process very poorly documented, but probably carried out by numerous small bands of culturally Scandivianised but linguistically Gaelic warrior-settlers moving in from Ireland and southern Argyll.[21] "Galloway" today only refers to the lands of Rhinns, Farines, Glenken, Desnes Mór and Desnes Ioan (that is, Wigtownshire and the Stewartry of Kirkcudbright), but this is because of the territorial changes that took place in and around Donnchadh's lifetime rather than being the contemporary definition.[22] For instance, 12th-century marginalia describes the island of Ailsa Craig as "lying between Gallgaedelu [Galloway] and Cend Tiri [Kintrye]", a charter of Máel Coluim IV describes Strathgryfe, Cunningham, Kyle and Carrick as the four cadrez (probably from ceathramh, "quarter"s) of Galloway, and an Irish annal entry for the year 1154 describes galleys from Arran, Kintyre, the Isle of Man as Gallghaoidhel, "Galwegian".[23]
By the middle of the 12th century, the former territory of the kingdom of the Rhinns was part of Galloway but the area to the north was not. Strathgryfe, Kyle and Cunningham had come under the control of the Scottish king in the early 12th-century, much of it being given over to soldiers of French or Anglo-French origin.[24] Strathgryfe and most of Kyle had been given to Walter fitz Alan under King David I, with Hugh de Morville taking Cunningham.[25] Strathnith still had a Gaelic ruler (ancestor of the famous Randolph earl of Moray), but he does not seem to have been part of the kingdom of Galloway.[26] The rest of the region, Rhinns, Farines, Carrick, Desnes Mór and Desnes Ioan, and the sparsely settled upplands of Glenken, was probably under the control of the sons of Fergus, king of Galloway, in the years before Donnchadh's career in the region.[27]
Origins and family
Donnchadh was the son of Gille-Brighde, son of Fergus king of the Gall-Gaidhil. Donnchadh's ancestry cannot be traced further than this; no patronymic is known for Fergus from contemporary sources, and when his successors enumerate their ancestors, they never go earlier than Fergus.[28] Gille-Brighde, the name of Donnchadh's father and Fergus' son, was the name of the father of Somhairle, petty king of Argyll in the third quarter of the 12th century. .[29] As the original territory of the Galloway kingdom probably adjoined or included Argyll, historian Alex Woolf has suggested that Fergus and Somhairle were brothers or cousins.[29]
The is a "body of circumstantial evidence" that suggests Donnchadh's mother was a daughter of Donnchadh II, Earl of Fife.[30] This includes Donnchadh's attachment to the Cistercian nunnery of North Berwick, founded by Donnchadh II of Fife's father Donnchadh II of Fife, the close ties that seemingly exist between the two families, and Donnchadh's own name.[31] The historian who suggested this in 2000, Richard Oram, came to regard it as certain by 2004.[32]
Roger of Hoveden described Uhtred of Galloway as a consanguinus ("cousin") of King Henry II of England, an assertion that has given rise to the theory that, since Gille-Brighde is never described as such, Fergus must have had two wives, one of whom was a bastard daughter of Henry I; that is, Uhtred and his descendants were relations of the English royal family, while Gille-Brighde and his descendants were not.[33] However, according to G. W. S. Barrow, this is disproved by one English royal document, written in the name of King John, which asserts that Donnchadh was King John's cousin.[34]
It is unclear how many siblings Donnchadh had, but two are known. The first, Máel Coluim, was recorded c. 1174, when he led the forces that besieged Gille-Brighde's half-brother Uhtred on "Dee island" (probably Threave) in Galloway.[35] This Máel Coluim captured Uhtred, and Uhtred was blinded, castrated and had his tongue cut out.[35] Nothing more is known of Máel Coluim's life, but there is speculation by modern historians that he was illegitimate.[36] Another brother is known from the records of Paisley Abbey. In 1233, one Gille-Chonaill Manntach, "the Stammerer" (recorded Gillokonel Manthac), gave evidence regarding a land dispute in Strathclyde; the document described him as the brother of the earl of Carrick, who at that time was Donnchadh.[37]
Gall-Gaidhil rebellion, civil war and exile
In 1160, Máel Coluim mac Eanric (Malcolm IV), king of the Scots, forced King Fergus into retirement, and brought Galloway under indirect overlordship.[38] It is likely that from 1161 until 1174, Gille-Brighde and Uhtred shared the lordship of the Gall-Gaidhil under the Scottish king's overlordship, with Gille-Brighde in the west, and Uhtred in the east.[39] When in 1174 William the Lion, Máel Coluim's successor, invaded England in an attempt to regain Northumberland he brought with him both Gille-Brighde and Uhtred.[40] During the invasion, while besieging the castle at Alnwick, William was caught off-guard and captured .[41]
Roger of Hoveden, an English priest who visited Galloway as an emissary of the king and later wrote about the visit as a historian, reported that:
When they [the brothers] heard that their lord the king of Scotland was taken, they immediately returned with their Galwegians to their own lands, and at once expelled from Galloway all the bailiffs and guards whom the king of Scotland had set over them; and all the English and French whom they could seize they slew; and all the defences and castles which the king of Scotland had established in their land they besieged, captured and destroyed, and slew all whom they took within them.[42]
However, throwing off Scottish overlordship was only the beginning, as the account goes on to tell us that in the same year, Gille-Brighde and Uhtred began to fight each other for domination of the region.[35] It ended when Gille-Brighde's son Máel Coluim besieged and captured his uncle Uhtred, who was mutilated before dying in captivity.[35] William of Newburgh claimed that after Uhtred died Gille-Brighde's forces invaded Uhtred's half of the kingdom killing many of the latter's followers, but encountered stiff resistance from Uhtred's son Lochlann (or Roland).[43]
Gille-Brighde's next move was to ask King Henry II to acknowledge his position and accept him as a vassal.[44] Henry sent an embassy consisting of [future historian] Roger of Hoveden and Robert de Vaux.[44] Roger of Hoveden later related that Gille-Brighde had offered the King of England a one-off payment of 2000 marks, and a yearly tribute of 500 cows and 500 pigs, if the king would "remove them [the Galwegians] from the servitude of the king of Scotland".[45] The king did not accept this offer, allegedly condemning Gille-Brighde's fratricide, and instead came to an agreement with King William.[44] In the terms of the Treaty of Falaise, William became the vassal of Henry (expressly according to Hoveden) "for Scotland and Galloway", but was deprived of his castles in Lothian and Teviotdale.[46] Gille-Brighde, unprotected by the English king, chose not to face Lochlann and William alone, but came to an agreement sometime in 1176.[47]
The agreement Gille-Brighde came to with Henry II triggered Donnchadh's first appearance in the sources. In October 1176, according to Roger of Hoveden, Gille-Brighde and King William met the English court at Feckenham in Worcestershire, a meeting where Gille-Brighde entered King Henry's peace by promising to pay him 1000 marks of silver and by handing over his son Donnchadh as a hostage.[48] Donnchadh was taken into the care of Hugh de Morwic, sheriff of Cumberland.[49] The agreement seems to have included recognising Donnchadh's right to inherit Gille-Brighde's lands, for nine years later Lochlann's invasion of western Galloway following the death of Gille-Brighde was described by Roger of Hoveden as "contrary to [Henry's] prohibition".[50]
Disputed inheritance
The activities of Donnchadh's father Gille-Brighde after 1176 are unclear, but sometime before 1184 King William raised an army to subdue Gille-Brighde "and the other Galwegians who had wasted his land and slain his vassals"; he held off this endevour, probably because of his worries about the response of Henry II.[51] According to Hoveden the onset of this conflict had been preceded by an evil omen: the inhabitants of Cunninghame — a land belonging to the king of the Scots under Richard de Morville whose daughter and heiress Helen had been married to Lochlann since c. 1176 — said that a fountain near the "church on Uinin" (i.e. Kilwinning) ran with blood for eight days.[52] There were raids on William's territory, but Gille-Brighde's death in 1185 brought these incursions to an end.[53]
With the support of the Scottish king, Lochlann responded to his uncle's death by invading his old territory, threatening Donnchadh's inheritance.[54] At this stage, Donnchadh was still a hostage in the care of Hugh de Morwic.[55] The Gesta Annalia claimed that Donnchadh's patrimony was defended by chieftains called Samuel, Gille-Patraic, and Eanric Mac Cennetig ("Henry Mac Kennedy"), whose famous descendants would become the hereditary stewards of Carrick.[56] Lochlann met these men in battle, on 4 July 1185, and according to the Chronicle of Melrose Gille-Patraic was killed and more of his men were killed than Lochlann's.[57] Another battle took place on 30 September, according to the Chronicle, against a chief named Gille-Coluim; the latter was killed, but so too was Lochlann's unnamed brother.[58]
The activities of Lochlann provoked a response in King Henry who, according to historian Richard Oram, "was not prepared to accept a fait accompli that disiherited the son of a useful vassal, flew in the face of the settlement which he had imposed..., and deprived him of influence over a vitally strategic zone on the north-west periphery of his realm".[59] According to Hoveden, in May 1186 Henry summoned the king and magnates of Scotland and instructed them to subdue Lochlann; in response Lochlann "collected numerous horse and foot and obstructed the entrances to Galloway and its roads to what extent he could".[60] Historian Richard Oram did not believe that the Scots were really intending to do this, as Lochlann was their dependent, and this probably explains why Henry himself raised an army and marched north to Carlisle.[61] When Henry arrived, the Angevin monarch instructed King William and his brother earl David of Huntingdon to bring Lochlann to Carlisle.[62]
Mormaer of Carrick
As Lochlan refused to come, subsequently Henry sent an embassy consisting of Hugh de Puiset, Bishop of Durham and Justiciar Ranulf de Glanville, who gave hostages to Lochlann.[63] With Lochlann feeling safer, they were able to return to Carlise with Lochlann in their train.[63] Hoveden says that Lochlann was allowed to keep the land that his father Uhtred had held "on the day he was alive and dead", but that the land of Gille-Brighde that was claimed by Donnchadh son of Gille-Brighde would be settled in Henry's court, to which Lochlann would be summoned.[63] Lochlann agreed to these terms.[63] King William and Earl David swore an oath to enforce this agreement, with Jocelin, Bishop of Glasgow, instructed to excommunicate any party that should breach their oath.[63]
There is no record of this subsequent court hearing, but the Gesta Annalia related that Donnchadh was granted Carrick on condition of peace with Lochlann, and emphasises the role of King William (as opposed to Henry) in resolving the conflict.[64] Historian Richard Oram has pointed out that Donnchadh's grant to Melrose Abbey between 1189 and 1198 was witnessed by his cousin Lochlann, evidence that relations between the two may have become more cordial.[65] Although details do not exist in contemporary sources, the settlement did lead to Donnchadh gaining possession of some of his father's land in the west of the kingdom of Galloway, namely what was to become the "earldom" of Carrick.[65]
When Donnchadh actually began using the title of "earl" (Latin: comes), or in his own language mormaer, is a debated question. Historian Alan Orr Anderson argued that he began using the title of comes between 1214 and 1216, based on Donnchadh's subscription of two charters issued by Thomas de Colville; the first, Melrose 193 (called such by its number in Cosmo Innes's printed version of the cartulary), Anderson dated to 1214.[66] Here Donnchadh has no style.[66] The other, Melrose 192, he dated to 1216, and in this Donnchadh was styled "earl" (comes).[67]
Oram however pointed out that Donnchadh was styled "earl" in a grant to Melrose Abbey witnessed by Richard de Morville (Melrose 32), who died in 1196.[68] If the wording is accurate, then Donnchadh was using the title before the time of Richard's death in that year.[69] Anderson dated Melrose no. 192 with reference to Abbot William III de Courcy (abbot from 1215 to 1216), but Oram identified this Abbot William as Abbot William II (abbot from 1202 to 1206 ), yielding an earlier date for Donnchadh's use of the title.[70]
Activities in and around Carrick
Evidence is thin for Donnchadh's activities in what later became southern Scotland. The one notable act was his marriage to Avelina, daughter of Alan fitz Walter, lord of Strathgryfe and [northern] Kyle and High Steward of Scotland. This marriage is known from Roger of Hoveden's Chronica, which recorded that in 1200 Donnchadh:
Carried off (rapuit) Avelina, daughter of Alan fitz Walter, lord of Renfrew, before William king of Scotland returned from England to his own land. And hence that king was exceeding wroth; and he took from Alan fitz Walter twenty-four pledges that he would preserve the peace with his and with his land, and take the law about his law.[71]
This marriage, from Donnchadh's perspective, bound him closer to the Anglo-Norman circles of the northern part of the region south of the Forth, while from Alan's point of view it was part of a series of moves to expand his territory further into former Gall-Gaidhil lands, moves that included an alliance a few years before with another Firth of Clyde Gaelic prince, Raghnall mac Somhairle.[72] Alan, who died four years later, fell into disgrace with King William and disappears from royal circles, but his son Walter (nicknamed Óg, "the little" or "younger", in several Melrose charters) recovered the family's position and by the late 1210s held, along with the Galloway family, a dominant position in the councils of William's successor Alexander II.[73] Records also exist for Donnchadh's religious patronage, and these records provide evidence for Donnchadh's associates as well as the patronage itself. Around 1200 Earl Donnchadh allowed the monks of Melrose Abbey use of saltpans from his land at Turnberry.[74] Between 1189 and 1198 he had granted the church of Maybothelbeg ("Little Maybole"), and the lands of Beath (Bethóc), to this Cistercian house.[75] This grant is mentioned by the Chronicle of Melrose, s.a. 1193:
Donnchadh, son of Gille-Brighde, of Galloway, gave to God and St Mary and the monks of Melrose a certain part of their in Carrick that is called Maybole, in perpetual alms, for the salvation of his soul, and the souls of all his relatives; in presence of bishop Joceline, and many other witnesses[76]
These estates were very rich, and were attached to Melrose's super-grange at Mauchline in Kyle.[77] In 1285 it was able to persuade the earl of the time to force its tenants in Carrick to use the lex Anglicana (the "English law")[78]
Witness to both grants were some prominent churchman connected with Melrose, magnates like Donnchadh, Earl of Fife, the latter's son Máel Coluim, Gille-Brighde, Earl of Strathearn, as well as probable members of Donnchadh's retinue, like Gille-Osald mac Gille-Anndrais, Gille-nan-Náemh mac Cholmain, Gille-Chríst Bretnach ("the Briton"), and his chamberlain Étgar mac Muireadhaich.[79] Áedh son of the mormaer of Lennox also witnessed these grants, and sometime between 1208 and 1214 Donnchadh (as "Lord Donnchadh") subscribed a charter of Máel Domhnaich, son and heir of Mormaer Ailean II, to the bishopric of Glasgow regarding the church of Campsie.[80]
There are records of patronage towards the nunnery of North Berwick, a house founded by Donnchadh's cousin Donnchadh I, Earl of Fife.[81] His famous and enduring grant to that house was the rectory of church of St Cuthbert of Maybole, which he granted to North Berwick sometime between 1189 and 1250.[82] In addition to Maybole, he bestowed the church of St Brigit at Kirkbride, to the nuns, as well as a grant of 3 marks from a place called Barrebeth.[83] Relations with the bishop of Glasgow, within whose diocese Carrick lay, are also attested. For instance, on 21 July 1225, at Ayr in Kyle, he made a promise of teinds to Walter, Bishop of Glasgow [84]
Donnchadh's Anglo-Normans
Evidence of religious patronage reveals evidence of two Anglo-Normans present in Donnchadh's territory. Some of Donnchadh's charters to Melrose were subscribed by an Anglo-Norman knight named Roger de Skelbrooke, who appears to have been lord of Greenan.[85] He himself made grants to Melrose regarding the land of Drumeceisuiene (i.e. Drumshang near Dunure), grants confirmed by "his lord" Donnchadh.[86] This knight gave Melrose fishing rights in the river Doon, rights confirmed by Donnchadh too and later by Roger's son-in-law and successor Ruaidhri mac Gille-Escoib (Raderic mac Gillescop).[87]
The other known Anglo-French knight was Thomas de Colville. Thomas was the younger son of the lord of Castle Bytham, a significant landowner in Yorkshire and Lincolnshire[88] Around 1190 he was constable of Dumfries, the royal castle which had been implanted in Strathnith by the Scottish king, and probably overrun by the Gall-Gaidhil in the revolt of 1174 before being restored.[89] In the opening years of the 13th century he made a grant of land around Dalmellington to the Cistercians of Vaudey Abbey in Lincolnshire, indicating that he had land there (under Donnchadh) with which to dispose.[90] Historians Geoffrey Barrow and Hector MacQueen both thought that Thomas' nickname "the Scot" (which then could mean "a Gael" as well as someone from north of the Forth), is a reflection of Thomas' exposure to the culture of the south-west during his career there.[91]
It is not known how these two men joined the service and acquired the patronage of Donnchadh or his family. In 1980 historian of Anglo-Norman Scotland Geoffrey Barrow could find no cause for their presence in the area, and declared that they were "for the present impossible to account for".[92] As Richard Oram pointed out, in one of the charters by Roger de Skelbrooke he called Gille-Brighde "my lord", indicating that Donnchadh probably inherited them in his territory.[93] Neither of them left traceable offspring in the region, and if even they did represent for Carrick the embryonic stages of the kind of Normanisation that was taking place further east, the process was halted during Donnchadh's period as earl.[94] As for Vaudey Abbey's lands, by 1223 they handed it over to Melrose Abbey because it was "useless and dangerous to them, both on account of the absense of law and order, and by reason of the insidious attacks of a barbarous people".[95]
Foundation of Crossraguel
His most important long-term patronage however was the series of gifts to Cluniac abbey of Paisley that led to the foundation of a Cluniac monastery at Crossraguel (Crois Riaghail). At some date before 1227 he granted Crossraguel and Suthblan to Paisley, a grant that was confirmed by Pope Honorius III on 23 January 1227.[96] A royal confirmation by King Alexander III of Scotland dated to 25 August 1236 shows that Donnchadh granted the monastery the churches of Kirkoswald (Turnberry), Straiton and Dalmaquharren (i.e. Dailly).[97] He may also have given the churches of Girvan and Kirkcudbright-Innertig (i.e. Ballantrae).[98]
It is clear from several sources that Donnchadh made these grants on the condition that Paisley establish another Cluniac house in Carrick, but that the abbey of Paisley failed to do so and argued that it did not need to.[99] Intervention by the Bishop of Glasgow in 1244 determined that a house of cluniac monks from Paisley should indeed be founded there, that the house should be exempt from the jurisdiction of Paisley save recognition of the common Cluniac Order, and that the abbot of Paisley would visit the house annually; after which, the Carrick properties of Paisley should be handed over to the possession of the newly established monastery.[100]
A papal bull of 11 July 1265 reveals that the Paisley monks had built only a small oratory there served by Paisley monks, resulting in a continuation of the dispute between Donnchadh and Paisley.[101] Twenty years after the bishop's ruling Paisley complained to the papacy, which led Pope Clement IV to issue two bulls, dated 11 June 1265 and 6 February 1266, appointing mandatories to settle the dispute, though the specific result is unknown.[101] Crossraguel was thus finally founded until around two decades after Donnchadh's death, probably by 1270, and its first abbot Abbot Patrick is attested 1274 x 1292.[102]
Irish involvement
The beginning of our information about Donnchadh's and indeed Gall-Gaidhil involvement in Ulster, is marked by Roger of Hoveden's entry about the death of Jordan de Courcy, brother of John de Courcy prince of Ulster.[103] It related that in 1197, after the death of Jordan, John sought vengeance and
Fought a battle with the petty-kings of Ireland, of whom he put some to flight, slew others, and subjugated their territories; of which he gave no small part to Donnchadh, son of Gille-Brighde, the son of Fergus, who, at the time that the said John was about to engage with the Irish, came to assist him with no small body of troops.[104]
What is now the eastern portion of Ulster had been conquered by John de Courcy in 1177, and held for several decades before he lost this territory to his rival Hugh de Lacy after his capture in 1203. [105] John de Courcy married, around 1180, Affraic ingen Gofraidh, a woman whose father Gofraid was the son of Affraic ingen Fergusa, Donnchadh's aunt.[106] John de Courcy, with help from his wife's brother Raghnall mac Gofraidh king of Mann, and perhaps from Donnchadh, tried to regain his principality, but was unsuccessful.[105] However, Hugh de Lacy, now earl of Ulster, and his associate William III de Briouze, themselves fell foul of King John, who campaigned in Ireland against them in 1210, a campaign that forced de Lacy to flee to St Andrews in Scotland and de Briouze back to Wales.[107] Donnchadh captured Matilda de Hay, wife of William de Briouze There are several indications from English records tracing Donnchadh's continued involvement in Ireland at this point. One document, after describing how William de Briouze became the king's enemy in England and Ireland, records that in 1210 after Henry arrived :
[William de Briouze's] wife fled to Scotland with William and Reinald her sons, and her private retinue, in the company of Hugh de Lacy, and when the king was at Carrickfergus castle, a certain friend and cousin of his of Galloway, namely Donnchadh of Carrick, reported to the king that he had taken her and her daughter the wife of Roger de Mortimer, and William junior, with his wife and two sons, but Hugh de Lacy and Reinald escaped.[108]
Subsequently, Matilda was imprisoned by the king, leading to death by starvation.[109] Another document, this one preserved in an Irish memoranda roll dating to the reign of King Henry VI, records that after John's Irish expedition of 1210, Donnchadh came into or was recognised in possession of extensive territory in County Antrim, namely the settlements of Larne and Glenarm with 50 carucates of land in between, a territory similar to the later barony of Upper Glenarm.[110] King John had given or recognised Donnchadh's possession of this territory as a reward for his help; similarly, John had given Donnchadh's cousin Ailean Mac Uchtraigh (i.e. Alan of Galloway) a huge lordship equivalent to 140 knights fees that included most of northern county Antrim and county Derry, as the prize for use of Ailean's soldiers and galleys.[111]
By 1219 however, Donnchadh and his nephew Alaxandair (Alexander) appear to have lost all or most of this land, a document of that year relating that the Justiciar of Ireland Geoffrey de Marisco had disseised them believing them to have been against King John in the rebellion of 1215–6.[112] The King found that this was not true, and ordered that Donnchadh and his nephew be restored.[112] By 1224, de Lacy's adherents were gaining more ground in Ireland, and King Henry III ordered Henry de Loundres, Archbishop of Dublin and new Justiciar of Ireland, to restore to Donnchadh "the remaining part of the land given to him by King John in Ireland, unless anyone held it by his father's own precept".[113]
Later in the same year Donnchadh wrote to King Henry, as follows:
[Donnchadh] Thanks him for the mandate which he directed by him to the Justiciar of Ireland, to restore his land there, of which he had been disseized on account of the English war; but as the land has not yet been restored, he asks the King to give by him a more effectual command to the Justiciar.[114]
Henry's response was a writ to his Justiciar:
King John granted to Donnchadh of Carrick, land in Ulster called Balgeithelauche [probably Ballygalley, county Antrim]. He says Hugh de Lacy disseized him and gave it to another. The King commands the Earl to inquire who has it, and its tenure; and if his right is insufficient, to give Donnchadh the land during the king's pleasure. At Bedford.[115]
It is unlikely that Donnchadh ever regained his territory, the same land later being controlled by the Bisset family after Hugh was formally restored to the earldom of Ulster in 1227. Historian Séan Duffy argues that Donnchadh's enemy Hugh de Lacy was helped by this family (later known as the "Bissets of the Glens"), and probably got Donnchadh's territory.[116]
Death and legacy
Donnchadh was said by the Martyrology of Glasgow to have died on 13 June 1250, and was succeeded in the earldom by Niall.[117] The traditional view, going back to the 19th-century, is that this Niall was Donnchadh's son.[118] This view has been undermined through more recent research by genealogist Andrew MacEwen, who has argued that Niall was not the son of Donnchadh, but rather his grandson; this view was embraced by leading Scottish medievalist Professor Geoffrey Barrow.[119] According to this argument, Donnchadh's son and intended heir was Cailean mac Donnchaidh (alias Nicholaus), who issued a charter in Donnchadh's lifetime as his son and heir.[119]
Another of Donnchadh's sons, Eóin (John), owned the land of Straiton. He was involved in the Galwegian revolt of Gille-Ruadh in 1235, during which he attacked some churches in the diocese of Glasgow.[120] He received a pardon by granting patronage of the church of Straiton and the land of Hachinclohyn to William de Bondington, Bishop of Glasgow, which was confirmed by Alexander II in 1244.[120] Two other sons, Ailean (Alan) and Alaxandair (Alexander), are attested subscribing to Donnchadh and Cailean's charters to North Berwick.[121] A Melrose charter mentions that Ailean was parson of Kirchemanen.[122] Caillean, and presumably Donnchadh's other legitimate sons, died before their father.[119]
Donnchadh's probable grandson, Niall, lived only six years and died leaving only four daughters, only one of whom is known by name.[123] The latter, presumably the eldest, was Marjory of Carrick who succeeded him, marrying in turn Adam of Kilconquhar (died 1269), a member of the Mac Duibh family of Fife, and Robert VI de Brus, Lord of Annandale.[124] Marjorie's son Robert VII de Brus, through military success and ancestral kinship with the Dunkeld dynasty, became King of the Scots and King Robert I of Scotland. King Robert's brother, Edward de Brus, became if only temporarily and only in name, High King of Ireland. Under the Bruces and their successors to the Scottish throne, the title Earl of Carrick became a prestigious honorific title usually given to a son of the king or intended heir.[125]
This was because sometime between 1250 and 1256 Earl Niall, expecting that the earldom would be taken over by a man from another family, issued a charter to Lochlann (Roland) of Carrick (a son or grandson of one of Donnchadh's brothers) granting him the "Cenn Cineoil" (kenkynnol), with the right to lead the men of Carrick, the right of camlumpnie (a power to accuse and arrest in Galwegian law) and with possesion of office of baillie of Carrick under whoever would be earl.[126] This act had precedent in other Gaelic families of Scotland, having previously been done in Fife, and was a way of ensuring that the kin-group retained strong locally-based male leadership even when the new common law of Scotland forced the comital title to pass into the hands of another family.[127] By 1372 this office, by marriage, passed to the Kennedy family of Dunure.[128]
The 17th-century genealogical compilation known as Ane Accompt of the Genealogie of the Campbells by Robert Duncanson, minister of Campbeltown, claimed that "Efferic" (i.e. Affraic or Afraig), wife of Gilleasbaig of Menstrie (fl. 1263–6) and mother of Campbell progenitor Cailean Mór, was the daughter of one Cailean (anglicised Colin), "Lord of Carrick".[129] As Ane Accompt is a credible witness to much earlier material, the claim is thought to be potentially accurate.[130] Thus Donnchadh was probably the great-grandfather of Cailean Mór, a lineage that explains the popularity of the names Donnchadh (Duncan) and Cailean (Colin) among later Campbells, as well as their close alliance to King Robert I during the Scottish Wars of Independence.[131]
Notes
- ^ Duncan, Scotland, p. 643
- ^ Corner, "Howden [Hoveden], Roger of"; Duncan, "Roger of Howden", p. 135; Gransden, Historical Writing, pp. 222–36
- ^ a b Duncan, "Roger of Howden", p. 135
- ^ Corner, "Howden [Hoveden], Roger of"; Oram, Lordship, pp. 95–7
- ^ Anderson, Scottish Annals, pp. 268, 325; Lawrie, Annals, p. 326; Riley (ed.), Annals of Roger de Hoveden, vol. ii, p. 404
- ^ Broun, Scottish Independence, p. 215
- ^ Broun, Scottish Independence, pp. 257–8; Broun, "New Look at Gesta Annalia, p. 17
- ^ Broun, Scottish Independence, p. 217; Duncan, "Sources and Uses", p. 169
- ^ Broun, Scottish Independence, pp. 215–30
- ^ Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, p. 51
- ^ Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, pp. 32–5; Barrow, Kingdom of the Scots, pp. 38–40
- ^ Barrow, Kingdom of the Scots, pp. 112–29
- ^ Woolf, Pictland to Alba, pp. 232–40
- ^ Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, pp. 48–50; Broun, "Becoming Scottish", p. 19
- ^ Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, pp. 30–50, illustrative maps at pp. 51–60
- ^ Broun, "Welsh Identity", pp. 120–5; Edmonds, "Personal Names", pp. 49–50
- ^ Woolf, Pictland to Alba, pp. 294–6
- ^ Clancy, "Galloway and the Gall-Ghàidheil", pp. 32–3, et passim
- ^ Clancy, "Gall-Ghàidheil", pp. 29–39
- ^ Byrne, "Na Renna", p. 267; Clancy, "Gall-Ghàidheil", pp. 29–32; Stokes (ed.), Martyrology, pp. 116–7, 184–5, 212–3, 246–7
- ^ Clancy, "Gall-Ghàidheil", p. 44; Woolf, Pictland to Alba, pp. 293–8
- ^ Clancy, "Gall-Ghàidheil", passim
- ^ Clancy, "Gall-Ghàidheil", pp. 33–4
- ^ Oram, David, pp. 93–6.
- ^ Barrow, Kingdom of the Scots, p. 251; Stringer, "Early Lords of Lauderdale", pp. 46–7
- ^ Balfour Paul, Scots Peerage, vol. vi, pp. 286–91; Barrow, Kingdom of the Scots, pp. 139&ndash40
- ^ Oram, Lordship, p. 103; Woolf, "Age of Sea-Kings", pp. 103
- ^ For Alan of Galloway, see Stringer, "Acts of Lordship, p. 224; for Donnchadh, see Innes (ed.), Liber Sancte Marie, vol. i, no. 32, at p. 25, where sometime before 1196 he is described as "Donnchadh, son of Gille-Brighde, son of Fergus, earl of Carrick"
- ^ a b Woolf, "Age of Sea-Kings", p. 103
- ^ Oram, Lordship, p. 89
- ^ Cowan and Easson, Medieval Religious Houses, pp 147–8; Oram, Lordship, p. 89
- ^ Fawcett and Oram, Melrose Abbey, p. 231&ndash2
- ^ Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 257; Oram, Lordship, p. 61; Balfour Paul, Scots Peerage, vol. iv, p. 422
- ^ Barrow, Robert I, pp. 430–1, n. 28
- ^ a b c d Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 257; Oram, Lordship, p. 61; Paul, Scots Peerage, vol. ii, p. 422
- ^ Oram, Lordship, p. 110, n. 39; Paul, Scots Peerage, vol. ii, p. 421
- ^ Balfour Paul, Scots Peerage, p. 422; document is printed in the Registrum de Passelet, pp. 166–168
- ^ Barrow, Acts of Malcolm IV, pp. 12&ndash3
- ^ Oram, Lordship, pp. 87–92
- ^ Oram, Lordship, p. 93
- ^ Barrow, Acts of William I, p. 7
- ^ Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 256
- ^ Oram, Lordship, p. 95
- ^ a b c Oram, Lordship, p. 96
- ^ Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 258; Oram, Lordship, p. 96
- ^ Roger of Hoveden's account of the treaty, see Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 259–63; a potentially official version of the agreement is prinited and translated in Stones (ed.), Anglo-Scottish Relations, pp. 3–11
- ^ Oram, Lordship, p. 97
- ^ Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 268; Oram, Lordship, p. 97
- ^ Corner, Scott, Scott and Watt (eds.), Scotichronicon, vol. 4, p. 546, n. 18; Lawrie, Annals, pp. 218, 254
- ^ Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 289; Oram, Lordship, p. 100
- ^ Anderson, Early Sources, p. 289; Oram, Lordship, p. 99
- ^ Anderson, Scottish Annals, p .286; Stringer, "Early Lords of Lauderdale", pp.
- ^ Oram, Lordship, pp. 99–100
- ^ Oram, Lordship, pp. 100–1
- ^ Lawrie, Annals, p. 218
- ^ Oram, Lordship, p. 100
- ^ Anderson, Early Sources, vol. ii, pp. 309–10
- ^ Anderson, Early Sources, vol. ii, p. 310; Oram, Lordship, p. 100
- ^ Oram, Lordship, p. 100
- ^ Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 289
- ^ Anderson, Scottish Annals, pp. 289–90; Corner, et al, Scotichronicon, vol. iv, pp. 366&ndash7; Oram, Lordship, p. 101
- ^ Anderson, Scottish Annals, pp. 289–90; Oram, Lordship, p. 101
- ^ a b c d e Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 290; Oram, Lordship, p. 101
- ^ Corner (et al.), Scotichronicon, vol. iv, pp. 366–9
- ^ a b Oram, Lordship, pp. 103–4
- ^ a b Anderson, Early Sources, vol. ii, pp. 330–1, n. 2; Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie, vol. i, no. 193, p. 173
- ^ Anderson, Early Sources, vol. ii, pp. 330–1, n. 2; Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie, vol. i, nos. 192 and 193, pp. 172–3
- ^ Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie, vol. i, no. 32, pp. 25–6; Oram, Lordship, p. 111, n. 80
- ^ Oram, Lordship, p. 111, n. 80
- ^ Oram, Lordship, p. 111, n. 80; Watt and Shead, Heads of Religious Houses, pp. 149–50
- ^ Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 325; Lawrie, Annals, pp. 326–7
- ^ Oram, Lordship, p. 132
- ^ Boardman, "Gaelic World", p. 92; Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie, vol. ii, nos. 452–5, pp. 420–3 ; Oram, Lordship, pp. 132–3
- ^ Fawcett and Oram, Melrose Abbey, p. 243; Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie, no. 37, p. 29; Reid and Barrow, Sheriffs of Scotland, p. 3
- ^ Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie, vol. i, nos. 29 and 30, pp. 20–4; Oram, Lordship, p. 104
- ^ Anderson, Early Sources, p. 330
- ^ Fawcett and Oram, Melrose Abbey, pp. 228–40 for details
- ^ Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, p. 119; Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie, vol. i, no. 316, p. 277–8
- ^ Carrick and Maidment, Some Account of the Ancient Earldom of Carric, p. 28; Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie, vol. i, nos. 29, 30, pp. 20–4
- ^ Innes (ed.), Registrum Episcopatus Glasguensis, vol. i, no. 102, pp. 87–8; Neville, Native Lordship, p. 55
- ^ Cowan and Easson, Medieval Religious Houses, p. 147
- ^ Innes (ed.), Carte Monialium de Northberwic, nos. 14–4, pp. 13–4; Watt and Murray, Fasti Ecclesiae, p. 238
- ^ Cowan, Parishes, p. 118; Innes (ed.), Carte Monialium de Northberwic, nos. 1, 28, pp. 3, 30–1
- ^ Innes (ed.), Registrum Episcopatus Glasguensis, vol. i, no. 139, pp. 117&ndash8; Shead and Cunningham, "Glasgow"
- ^ Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, pp. 46, 115
- ^ Carrick and Maidment, Some Account of the Ancient Earldom of Carric, p. 28; Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie, vol. i, nos. 31&ndash5, pp. 24–8
- ^ Fawcett and Oram, Melrose Abbey, p. 243; Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie, vol. i, nos. 34–6, pp. 27–9
- ^ Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, pp. 31, 177
- ^ Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, p. 31; Duncan, Scotland, pp. 182–3
- ^ Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, p. 31–2; Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie, vol. i, nos. 192 and 193, pp. 172–3
- ^ Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, p. 31; MacQueen, ""Survival and Success", p. 77
- ^ Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, pp. 46–7
- ^ Oram, Lordship, pp. 90–1
- ^ Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, pp. 31&ndash2; Oram, Lordship, p.
- ^ Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, p. 32; Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie, vol. i, no. 195, pp. 174–5
- ^ Cowan and Easson, Medieval Religious Houses, pp. 63–4
- ^ Cowan, Parishes, pp. 123, 189–90
- ^ Cowan, Parishes, pp. 73, 120; another early possession of Crossraguel was the church of Inchmarnock, for which see Cowan, Parishes, pp. 35–6
- ^ Cowan and Easson, Medieval Religious Houses, pp. 63–4
- ^ Cowan and Easson, Medieval Religious Houses, p. 64; Cowan, Parishes, p. 123
- ^ a b Cowan and Easson, Medieval Religious Houses, p. 64
- ^ Cowan and Easson, Medieval Religious Houses, pp. 63–4; Watt and Shead, Heads of Religious Houses, p. 47
- ^ Greeves, "Galloway lands in Ulster", p. 115
- ^ Riley (ed.), Annals of Roger de Hoveden, vol. ii, p. 404
- ^ a b Duffy, "Courcy [Courci], John de"
- ^ Duffy, "Courcy [Courci], John de"; Oram, Lordship, p. 105
- ^ Smith, "Lacy, Hugh de, earl of Ulster"
- ^ Bain (ed.), Calendar of Documents, vol. i, no. 480, p. 82; spellings modernised
- ^ Lawrie, Annals, p. 327
- ^ Duffy, "Lords of Galloway", p. 37
- ^ Duffy, "Lords of Galloway", p. 38
- ^ a b Bain (ed.), Calendar of Documents, vol. i, no. 737, p. 130; Duffy, "Lords of Galloway", pp. 43–4
- ^ Bain (ed.), Calendar of Documents, vol. i, no. 874, p. 155; Balfour Paul, Scots Peerage, vol. ii, p. 422, n. 7; Smith, "Lacy, Hugh de"
- ^ Bain (ed.), Calendar of Documents, vol. i, no. 878, p. 156
- ^ Bain (ed.), Calendar of Documents, vol. i, no. 879, p. 156
- ^ These were Anglo-French nobles who were settling in northern Scotland at this time in the lordship of the Aird (An Àird) in the aftermath of the destruction of the Meic Uilleim and would quickly become Gaelicised; Duffy, "Lords of Galloway", pp. 39–42, 50
- ^ Balfour Paul, Scots Peerage, vol. ii, p. 423; Innes (ed.), Registrum Episcopatus Glasguensis, vol. ii, p. 616
- ^ Balfour Paul, Scots Peerage, vol. ii, p. 423; MacQueen, "Survival and Success", p. 72
- ^ a b c Barrow, Robert Bruce, pp. 34–5;, 430, n. 26
- ^ a b Balfour Paul, Scots Peerage, vol. ii, p. 243; Innes (ed.), Registrum Episcopatus Glasguensis, vol. i, no. 187, pp. 151–2
- ^ Balfour Paul, Scots Peerage, vol. ii, p. 243; Innes (ed.), Carte Monialium de Northberwic, nos. 13–4, pp. 13–5; MacQueen, "Kin of Kennedy", p. 284, illus; MacQueen, "Survival and Success", p. 72, illus; there is a possibility that he had two sons named Alaxandair, as appears in MacQueen's illustrations
- ^ Balfour Paul, Scots Peerage, vol. ii, p. 243; Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie, vol. i, no. 189, pp. 170–1
- ^ Balfour Paul, Scots Peerage, p. 426; MacQueen, "Survival and Success", p. 78
- ^ MacQueen, "Survival and Success", p. 78
- ^ Boardman, Early Stewart Kings, pp. 22, 57, 198&ndash9, 279, 282, 294–5
- ^ MacQueen, "Kin of Kennedy", pp. 278–80; MacQueen, "Survival and Success", pp. 76, 78–80
- ^ Bannerman, "Macduff of Fife", pp. 20–28, for discussion in relation to Fife; MacQueen, Common Law, p. 174
- ^ MacQueen, "Kin of Kennedy", p. 278
- ^ Boardman, Campbells, p. 18; Campbell of Airds, History, p. 41; Sellar, "Earliest Campbells", p. 115
- ^ Sellar, "Earliest Campbells", pp. 115–6
- ^ Campbell of Airds, History, pp. 41–2; Sellar, "Earliest Campbells", p. 116
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