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Nazi authorities annexed the westernmost parts of Poland and the former [[Free City of Danzig]], incorporating it directly to Nazi Germany, and placed the remaining German-occupied territory under the administration of the newly formed ''[[General Government]]''. The Soviet Union annexed the rest of Poland, incorporating its territories into the [[Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic|Belarusian]] and [[Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic|Ukrainian]] [[Soviet Union|Soviet]] republics.<ref name="Service 2013">{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=BqoaBQAAQBAJ&pg=PA17|title=Germans to Poles: Communism, Nationalism and Ethnic Cleansing After the Second World War|author=Hugo Service|date=11 July 2013|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=978-1-107-67148-5|page=17}}</ref> Germany's primary aim in Eastern Europe was the expansion of the German ''[[Lebensraum]]'' which necessitated according to [[Nazism|Nazi]] views the [[ethnic cleansing|elimination or deportation]] of all non-Germanic ethnicities, including [[Poles]]; the areas controlled by the ''[[General Government]]'' were to become "free" of Poles within 15–20 years.<ref name="Berghahn 1999">{{cite book |last=Berghahn |first=Volker R. |year=1999 |chapter=Germans and Poles 1871–1945 |editor1=Bullivant, K. |editor2=Giles, G. J. |editor3=Pape, W. |title=Germany and Eastern Europe: Cultural Identities and Cultural Differences |publisher=Rodopi |isbn=9042006889 |pp=32 |url=https://books.google.ca/books?id=j6VCNno2DVMC&pg=PA15 }}</ref> This resulted in harsh policies which targeted the Polish population, in addition to the explicit goal of [[The Holocaust|exterminating Polish Jews]], which was carried out by [[Nazi Germany]] in the occupied Polish territories. |
Nazi authorities annexed the westernmost parts of Poland and the former [[Free City of Danzig]], incorporating it directly to Nazi Germany, and placed the remaining German-occupied territory under the administration of the newly formed ''[[General Government]]''. The Soviet Union annexed the rest of Poland, incorporating its territories into the [[Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic|Belarusian]] and [[Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic|Ukrainian]] [[Soviet Union|Soviet]] republics.<ref name="Service 2013">{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=BqoaBQAAQBAJ&pg=PA17|title=Germans to Poles: Communism, Nationalism and Ethnic Cleansing After the Second World War|author=Hugo Service|date=11 July 2013|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=978-1-107-67148-5|page=17}}</ref> Germany's primary aim in Eastern Europe was the expansion of the German ''[[Lebensraum]]'' which necessitated according to [[Nazism|Nazi]] views the [[ethnic cleansing|elimination or deportation]] of all non-Germanic ethnicities, including [[Poles]]; the areas controlled by the ''[[General Government]]'' were to become "free" of Poles within 15–20 years.<ref name="Berghahn 1999">{{cite book |last=Berghahn |first=Volker R. |year=1999 |chapter=Germans and Poles 1871–1945 |editor1=Bullivant, K. |editor2=Giles, G. J. |editor3=Pape, W. |title=Germany and Eastern Europe: Cultural Identities and Cultural Differences |publisher=Rodopi |isbn=9042006889 |pp=32 |url=https://books.google.ca/books?id=j6VCNno2DVMC&pg=PA15 }}</ref> This resulted in harsh policies which targeted the Polish population, in addition to the explicit goal of [[The Holocaust|exterminating Polish Jews]], which was carried out by [[Nazi Germany]] in the occupied Polish territories. |
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The conceptual relationship between Polish anti-Semites, and Polish collaborators with Nazi Germany, is complicated. Prior to the Holocaust, an anti-Semitic Polish opposition party named [[National Democracy]] (ND) called for boycotting of Jewish businesses and for statutory discrimination against Jews who, ND said, were overrepresented in certain professions, without advocating violence against Jews and while supporting the [[Zionist]] cause of Jewish emigration to [[Palestine]]. ND entered the wartime coalition [[Polish Government-in-Exile]] alongside Jews and the [[Polish resistance movement in World War II|Polish resistance]] against Nazi Germany. ND members included [[Righteous among the Nations]] who were associated with the [[paramilitary]] [[National Armed Forces]] which killed Germans, Poles, and Jews – according to Polish-American sociologist [[Tadeusz Piotrowski (sociologist)|Tadeusz Piotrowski]], "not always simply because they were Jews."<ref>https://books.google.pl/books?redir_esc=y&id=NBbnrEMswbUC&q=NSZ+killed+Jews#v=snippet&q=NSZ%20killed%20Jews&f=false</ref> The Israeli-American historian [[Saul Friedlander]] writes: “Precisely because Polish anti-Semitism was not tainted by any trace of collaboration with the Germans, it could prosper — not only in the street but also in the underground press, in political parties, and in the armed forces.” Friedlander uses the term "collaboration" in reference to people, in lands other than Poland, who worked with the German Army in a military capacity.<ref>https://jewishweek.timesofisrael.com/killers-of-jews-or-saviors-of-jews/</ref> |
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==Individual collaboration== |
==Individual collaboration== |
Revision as of 09:33, 28 September 2018
Throughout World War II, Poland was a member of the Allied coalition that fought Nazi Germany. During the German occupation of Poland, some Polish citizens of diverse ethnicities collaborated with the Germans. Estimates of the number of collaborators vary. During and after the war, the Polish State and the Resistance movement executed collaborators.
Collaboration in Poland was less institutionalized and widespread than elsewhere in Europe, due to Germany's racist regime classifying Poles as subhuman and because Poland fielded what some historians describe as the largest and most effective anti-Nazi resistance in World War II, supported by the general Polish population.[1][2][citation needed]
Background
Following the German occupation of Czechoslovakia in March 1939, Hitler sought to establish Poland as a client state, proposing a multilateral territorial exchange and an extension of the German–Polish Non-Aggression Pact. The Polish government, fearing subjugation to Nazi Germany, instead chose to form an alliance with Britain (and later with France). In response, Germany withdrew from the non-aggression pact and, shortly before invading Poland, signed the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact with Soviet Union, safeguarding Germany against Soviet retaliation if it invaded Poland, and prospectively dividing Poland between the two totalitarian powers.
On 1 September 1939 Germany invaded Poland. The German army overran Polish defenses while inflicting heavy civilian losses, and by 13 September had conquered most of western Poland. On 17 September the Soviet Union invaded the country from the east, conquering most of eastern Poland, along with the Baltic states and parts of Finland. Some 140,000 Polish soldiers and airmen escaped to Romania and Hungary, and later many soon joining the Polish Armed Forces in France. Poland's government crossed over into Romania, later forming a government-in-exile in France and then in London, following the French capitulation. Poland as a polity never surrendered to the Germans.[3]
Nazi authorities annexed the westernmost parts of Poland and the former Free City of Danzig, incorporating it directly to Nazi Germany, and placed the remaining German-occupied territory under the administration of the newly formed General Government. The Soviet Union annexed the rest of Poland, incorporating its territories into the Belarusian and Ukrainian Soviet republics.[4] Germany's primary aim in Eastern Europe was the expansion of the German Lebensraum which necessitated according to Nazi views the elimination or deportation of all non-Germanic ethnicities, including Poles; the areas controlled by the General Government were to become "free" of Poles within 15–20 years.[5] This resulted in harsh policies which targeted the Polish population, in addition to the explicit goal of exterminating Polish Jews, which was carried out by Nazi Germany in the occupied Polish territories.
Individual collaboration
Estimates of the number of individual Polish collaborators vary according to the definition of "collaboration".[6] Estimates range from as few as 17,000 (by historian Leszek Gondek, who extrapolates from the number of death sentences handed out by the Special Courts of the resistance); to as many as several hundred thousand (including Polish officials employed by the German authorities; Blue Police officers; "labor service" workers; members of Poland's German minority; and even Poland's peasantry, which benefited from the wartime economy and tended to follow German orders).[7]
Czesław Madajczyk estimates that 5% of the population in the General Government actively collaborated, which he contrasts with the 25% who actively resisted the occupation.[8] Historian John Connelly writes that "only a relatively small percentage of the Polish population engaged in activities that may be described as collaboration, when seen against the backdrop of European and world history." However, he criticizes the same population for its indifference to the Jewish plight, a phenomenon he terms "structural collaboration" (see more below).[6]
Political collaboration
Unlike the situation in most German-occupied European countries where the Germans successfully installed collaborationist governments, in occupied Poland there was no puppet government.[7][9][10][11] The Germans had initially considered the creation of a collaborationist Polish cabinet to administer, as a protectorate, the occupied Polish territories that had not been annexed outright into the Third Reich.[11][12][13] At the beginning of the war German officials contacted several Polish leaders with proposals for collaboration, but they all refused.[14] [15] Among those who rejected the German offers were Wincenty Witos, peasant party leader and former Prime Minister;[16][11][17] Prince Janusz Radziwiłł; and Stanisław Estreicher, prominent scholar from the Jagiellonian University.[18][19][20][10]
In 1940, during the German invasion of France, the French government suggested that Polish politicians in France negotiate an accommodation with Germany; and in Paris the prominent journalist Stanislaw Mackiewicz tried to get Polish President Wladyslaw Raczkiewicz to negotiate with the Germans, as the French defenses were collapsing and German victory seemed inevitable. Three days later the Polish Government and Polish National Council rejected discussing capitulation and declared they would fight on until full victory over Nazi Germany. A group of eight low-ranking Polish politicians and officers broke with the Polish Government and in Lisbon, Portugal, addressed a memorandum to Germany, asking for discussions about restoring a Polish state under German occupation, which was rejected by the Germans. According to Czeslaw Madajczyk, in view of the low profile of the Poles involved and of Berlin's rejection of the memorandum, no political collaboration can be said to have taken place.[21]
The Nazi racial policies and Germany's plans for the conquered Polish territories, on one hand, and Polish anti-German attitudes on the other, combined to prevent any Polish-German political collaboration.[22] The Nazis envisioned the eventual disappearance of the Polish nation, which was to be replaced by German settlers.[7][23][24] In April 1940 Hitler banned any negotiations concerning any degree of autonomy for the Poles, and no further consideration was given to the idea.[23]
Pro-German right-wing politician Andrzej Świetlicki formed an organization - the National Revolutionary Camp - and approached the Germans with various offers of collaboration, which they ignored. Świetlicki was arrested and executed. [25] Władysław Studnicki,[26] an anti-Soviet publicist, and Leon Kozłowski, a prominent scholar and former Prime Minister, each favored Polish-German cooperation against the Soviet Union, but they too were rejected by the Germans.
Security forces
The main security forces in German-occupied Poland were some 550,000 soldiers and 80,000 SS and police officials sent from Germany.[27]
Blue Police
In October 1939 the German authorities ordered mobilization of the prewar Polish police to serve under the German Ordnungspolizei, thus creating the auxiliary "Blue Police" that supplemented the principal German forces. The Polish policemen were to report for duty by 10 November 1939[28] or face death.[29] At its peak in May 1944, the Blue Police numbered some 17,000 men.[30] Their primary task was to act as a regular police force dealing with criminal activities, but the Germans also used them in combating smuggling and resistance, rounding up random civilians (łapanka) for forced labor or for execution in reprisal for Polish resistance activities (e.g., the Polish underground's execution of Polish traitors or egregiously brutal Germans), patrolling for Jewish ghetto escapees, and in support of military operations against the Polish resistance.[7][31]
The German General Government tried to form additional Polish auxiliary police units—Schutzmannschaft Battalion 202 in 1942, and Schutzmannschaft Battalion 107 in 1943. Very few men volunteered, and the Germans decided on forced conscription to fill their ranks. Most of the conscripts subsequently deserted, and the two units were disbanded.[32] Schutzmannschaft Battalion 107 mutinied against its German officers, disarmed them, and joined the Home Army resistance.[33]
In 1944, in the General Government, Germany attempted to recruit 12,000 Polish volunteers to "join the fight against Bolshevism". The campaign failed; only 699 men were recruited, 209 of whom either deserted or were disqualified for health reasons.[34]
Poles in the Wehrmacht
Following the German invasion of Poland in 1939, many former citizens of the Second Polish Republic from across the Polish territories annexed by Nazi Germany were forcibly conscripted into the Wehrmacht in Upper Silesia and in Pomerania. They were declared citizens of the Third Reich by law and therefore subject to drumhead court-martial in case of draft evasion. Professor Ryszard Kaczmarek of the University of Silesia in Katowice, author of a monograph, Polacy w Wehrmachcie (Poles in the Wehrmacht), noted that the scale of this phenomenon was much larger than previously assumed, because 90% of the inhabitants of these two westernmost regions of prewar Poland were ordered to register on the German People's List (Volksliste), regardless of their wishes. The exact number of these conscripts is not known; no data exist beyond 1943.[35]
In June 1946, the British Secretary of State for War reported to Parliament that, of the pre-war Polish citizens who had involuntarily signed the Volksliste and subsequently served in the German Wehrmacht, 68,693 men were captured or surrendered to the Allies in northwest Europe. The overwhelming majority, 53,630 subsequently enlisted in the Polish Army in the West and fought against Germany to the end of World War II.[36][35]
Compulsory civilian service (Baudienst)
In May 1940 the Germans instituted a Baudienst ("construction service") in several districts of the General Government, as a form of compulsory national service that combined hard labor with Nazi indoctrination. Service was rewarded with pocket money, and in some places it was a prerequisite for occupational training. Starting in April 1942, evasion of Baudienst service was punishable by death. By 1944, Baudienst strength had grown to some 45,000 servicemen.[37]
Baudienst servicemen were sometimes deployed in support of aktions (roundup of Jews for deportation or extermination), for example to blockade Jewish quarters or to search Jewish homes for hideaways and valuables. After such operations the servicemen were rewarded with vodka and cigarettes.[7] Disobedience while in "service" was punished with commitment to punitive camps.[38]
There were three Baudienst branches:
- Polnischer Baudienst (Polish Labor Service)
- Ukrainischer Heimatdienst (Ukrainian National Service)
- Goralischer Heimatdienst (Goral National Service)
Cultural collaboration
Film and theater
In occupied Poland there was no Polish film industry.[39] However, a few former Polish citizens collaborated with the Germans in making films such as the 1941 anti-Polish propaganda film Heimkehr (Homecoming). In that film, casting for minor parts played by Polish actors was done by Volksdeutscher actor and Gestapo agent Igo Sym, who during the filming, on 7 March 1941, was shot in his Warsaw apartment by the Polish Union of Armed Struggle resistance movement; after the war, the Polish performers were sentenced for collaboration in an anti-Polish propaganda undertaking, with punishments ranging from official reprimand to imprisonment. Some Polish actors were coerced by the Germans into performing, as in the case of Bogusław Samborski, who played in Heimkehr probably in order to save his Jewish wife.[40]
During the occupation, feature-film showings were preceded by propaganda newsreels of Die Deutsche Wochenschau (The German Weekly Review). Some feature films likewise contained Nazi propaganda. The Polish underground discouraged Poles from attending movies, advising them, in the words of the rhymed couplet, "Tylko świnie siedzą w kinie" ("Only swine go to the movies").[41]
Following the Polish underground's execution of Igo Sym, in reprisal the Germans took hostages and, on 11 March 1941, executed 21 at their Palmiry killing grounds. They also arrested several actors and theater directors and sent them to Auschwitz, including such notable figures as Stefan Jaracz and Leon Schiller.[42]
The largest theater for Polish audiences was Warsaw's Komedia (Comedy). There were also a dozen small theaters. Polish actors were forbidden by the underground to perform in these theaters, but some did and were punished after the war. Many other actors supported themselves by working as waiters. Adolf Dymsza performed in legal cabarets and wasn't allowed to perform at Warsaw during a short period after the war. [43] A theater producer Zygmunt Ipohorski-Lenkiewicz was shot as a Gestapo agent.
Press
The legal press in German-occupied Poland was a German propaganda tool, which Poles called gadzinówka ("reptile press").[34] Poles publishing legal newspapers or writing for them were considered collaborators; many respected journalists refused to work for the Germans.
Alfred Szklarski, a writer who would become popular after the war, during the war wrote for the German-published Polish-language Nowy Kurier Warszawski (New Warsaw Courier) and in 1949 was tried for collaborating with the Germans. Sentenced to 8 years' imprisonment, he was released after serving 4 years.[44]
Jan Emil Skiwski, a writer and journalist of extreme National Democrat and fascist orientation, collaborated with Germany, publishing pro-Nazi Polish newspapers in German-occupied Poland. Toward war's end, he escaped advancing Soviet armies, fled Europe, and spent the rest of his life under an assumed name in Venezuela.
During the German occupation of Wilno, Józef Mackiewicz was accused of collaboration with the Germans. He was sentenced to death by a Polish underground tribunal but survived the war and was exonerated in 1947. [citation needed]
Collaboration and the resistance
The main armed resistance organization in Poland was the Home Army (Armia Krajowa, or AK), numbering some 400,000 members, including Jewish fighters.[45][46][47][48] The Home Army command rejected any talks with the German authorities,[46]: 88 but some Home Army units in eastern Poland did maintain contacts with the Germans in order to gain intelligence on German morale and preparedness and perhaps acquire needed weapons.[49] The Germans made several attempts at arming regional Home Army units in order to encourage them to act against Soviet partisans operating in the Nowogródek and Vilnius areas. Local Home Army units accepted arms but used them for their own purposes, disregarding the Germans' intents and even turning the weapons against the Germans.[50][51][46] Tadeusz Piotrowski concludes that "[these deals] were purely tactical, short-term arrangements"[46]: 88 and quotes Joseph Rothschild that "the Polish Home Army was by and large untainted by collaboration."[46]: 90
The Polish right-wing National Armed Forces (Narodowe Siły Zbrojne, or NSZ) – a nationalist, anti-communist organization,[52]: 137 [53]: 371 [54] widely perceived as anti-Semitic[55][56]: 147 [53]: 371 [57][58] – did not have a uniform policy regarding Jews.[46]: 96-97 Its attitude to them drew on anti-semitism and anti-communism, perceiving Jewish partisans and refugees as "pro-Soviet elements" and members of an ethnicity foreign to the Polish nation. Except in rare cases,[46]: 96 the NSZ did not admit Jews,[56]: 149 and on several occasions killed or delivered Jewish partisans to the German authorities[56]: 149 and murdered Jewish refugees.[55][56]: 141 [59] NSZ units also frequently skirmished with partisans of the Polish communist People's Army (Armia Ludowa).
At least two NSZ units operated with the acquiescence or cooperation of the Germans at different times.[56]: 149 In late 1944, in the face of advancing Soviet forces, the Holy Cross Mountains Brigade, numbering 800-1,500 fighters, decided to cooperate with the Germans.[60][61][62] It ceased hostilities against them, accepted their logistical help, and coordinated its retreat to the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. Once there, the unit resumed hostilities against the Germans and on 5 May 1945 liberated the Holýšov concentration camp.[63] Another NSZ unit known to collaborate with the Germans was Hubert Jura's unit, also known as Tom's Organization, which operated in the Radom district.[64]
The Communist underground (PPR, GL) informed the Nazis about Home Army members. 200 of them were arrested. The Germans found a Commmunist printing shop as a result of one of such denunciacions made by Marian Spychalski.[65][66]
The Holocaust
Historian Martin Winstone writes that only a minority of Poles took part either in persecuting or in helping Jews. He compares Poland with other occupied countries and asserts that the tendency not to help was due more to human nature than to ethnocentrism. Regarding the purported low Polish resolve to save Jews, Winstone writes that this tendency may be partly explained by fear of execution by the Germans. He nevertheless notes that the Germans imposed death sentences for many other acts and that "it may well be that the risk of hiding a Jew was greater, but that is in itself suggestive since the Germans were not the only danger".[67][further explanation needed]
Sociologist Jan Gross writes that a leading role in the 1941 Jedwabne pogrom was carried out by four Polish men, including Jerzy Laudański and Karol Bardoń, who had earlier collaborated with the Soviet NKVD and were now trying to recast themselves as zealous collaborators with the Germans.[68]
Historian John Connelly wrote that the vast majority of ethnic Poles showed indifference to the fate of the Jews; and that "Polish historiography has hesitated to view [complicity in the Holocaust of Jews] as collaboration... [instead viewing it] as a form of society's 'demoralization'".[6] Klaus-Peter Friedrich wrote that "most [Poles] adopted a policy of wait-and-see... In the eyes of the Jewish population, [this] almost inevitably had to appear as silent approval of the [German] occupier's actions."[7] According to historian Gunnar S. Paulsson, in occupied Warsaw (a city of 1.3 million, including 350,000 Jews before the war), some 3,000 to 4,000 Poles acted as blackmailers and informants (szmalcowniks) who turned in Jews and fellow Poles who provided assistance to them.[69]
In 2013, historian Jan Grabowski wrote in his book Hunt for the Jews that 200,000 Jews "were killed directly or indirectly by the Poles." The book was praised by some scholars for its approach and analysis,[70][71] while a number of others criticized his methodology for lacking in actual field research, and argued that his "200,000" estimate was too high.[72][73][74]
Collaboration by ethnic minorities
Germans used the divide and rule method to create tensions within the Polish society, by targeting several non-Polish ethnic groups for preferential treatment or the opposite, in the case of the Jewish minority.[75]
German collaborators
During the invasion of Poland in September 1939, members of the ethnic German minority in Poland assisted Nazi Germany in its war effort. They committed sabotage, diverted regular forces and committed numerous atrocities against civilian population.[76][77]: 33
Shortly after the German invasion of Poland, an armed ethnic-German militia, called the Volksdeutscher Selbstschutz, numbering around 100,000 members, was formed.[78] It organized the Operation Tannenberg mass murder of Polish elites. At the beginning of 1940, the Selbstschutz was disbanded, and its members transferred to various units of SS, Gestapo, and German police. The Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle organized large-scale looting of property, and redistributed goods to Volksdeutsche. They were given apartments, workshops, farms, furniture, and clothing confiscated from Jewish Poles and ethnic Poles.[79]
During the German occupation of Poland, Nazi authorities established the German People's List (Deutsche Volksliste, DVL), whereby former Polish citizens of German ethnicity were registered as Volksdeutsche. The German authorities encouraged registration of ethnic Germans, and in many cases made it mandatory. Those who joined were given benefits, including better food and better social status. However, Volksdeutsche were required to perform military service for the Third Reich, and hundreds of thousands joined the German military, either willingly or under compulsion.[80]
According to Ryszard Kaczmarek, Poland's German minority totaled some 750,000 in 1939 and was the principal group of citizen collaborators.[81][82]
Ukrainians and Belarusians
Before the war, Poland had a substantial population of Ukrainian and Belarusian minorities living in her eastern, Kresy regions. After the Soviet invasion of eastern Poland on 17 September 1939, those territories were annexed by the USSR. Already in 1939, during the September Campaign, the OUN had been “a faithful German auxiliary.”[83] Following the German invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941, German authorities recruited Ukrainians and Belarusians who had been citizens of Poland before September 1939 for service in Waffen-SS and auxiliary-police units. In District Galicia, the SS Galicia division and Ukrainian Auxiliary Police, made up of ethnic-Ukrainian volunteers, took part in widespread massacres and persecution of Poles and Jews.[84][85]
Jewish collaborators
A minority of Jews chose to collaborate with the Germans. Jews helped the Germans in return for limited freedom, safety and other compensations (food, money) for the collaborators and their relatives. Some were motivated purely by self-interests such as individual survival, revenge and greed;[86] others were coerced into collaborating with the Germans.[46]: 67
The Judenräte (s. Judenrat, literally "Jewish council") were Jewish-run governing bodies set up by the Nazi authorities in Jewish ghettos across German-occupied Poland. The Judenräte functioned as a self-enforcing intermediary and were used by the Germans to control the Jewish population and to manage the ghetto's day-to-day administration. The Germans also required Judenräte to confiscate property, organize forced labor, collect information on the Jewish population and facilitate deportations to extermination camps. [87][88] [89]: 117–118 In some cases, Judenrat members exploited their positions to engage in bribery and other abuses. In the Łódź Ghetto, the reign of Judenrat head Chaim Rumkowski was particularly inhumane, as he was known to get rid of his political opponents by submitting their names for deportation to concentration camps, hoard food rations, and sexually abuse Jewish girls.[90][91][89] Tadeusz Piotrowski cited Jewish survivor Baruch Milch who wrote that "Judenrat became an instrument in the hand of the Gestapo for extermination of the Jews... I do not know of a single instance when the Judenrat would help some Jew in a disinterested manner." through Piotrowski cautions that "Milch's is a particular account of a particular place and time... the behavior of Junderat members was not uniform." [46]: 73-74 Political theorist Hannah Arendt stated that without the assistance of the Judenräte, the German authorities would have encountered considerable difficulties in drawing up detailed lists of the Jewish population, thus allowing for at least some Jews to avoid deportation.[89]
The Jewish Ghetto Police (Jüdischer Ordnungsdienst) were volunteers recruited from among Jews living in the ghettos who could be relied on to follow German orders. They were issued batons, official armbands, caps, and badges, and were responsible for public order in the ghetto. Also, the policemen were used by the Germans for securing the deportation of other Jews to concentration camps.[92][93] The numbers of Jewish police varied greatly depending on the location, with the Warsaw Ghetto numbering about 2,500, Łódź Ghetto 1,200 and smaller ghettos such as that at Lwów about 500.[94]: 310 Historian and Warsaw Ghetto archivist Emanuel Ringelblum described the cruelty of the Jewish Ghetto Police as "at times greater than that of the Germans", concluding that this formation's members distinguished themselves by their shocking corruption and immorality.[86][93]
In Warsaw, the collaborationist groups Żagiew and Group 13, led by Abraham Gancwajch and colloquially known as the "Jewish Gestapo", inflicted considerable damage on both Jewish and Polish underground resistance movements.[95] Over a thousand such Jewish Nazi collaborators, some armed with firearms,[46]: 74 served under the German Gestapo as informers on Polish resistance efforts to hide Jews,[95] and engaged in racketeering, blackmail, and extortion in the Warsaw Ghetto.[96][97] A 70-strong group led by a Jewish collaborator called Hening was tasked with operating against the Polish resistance, and was quartered at the Gestapo's Warsaw headquarters on ulica Szucha (Szuch Street).[46]: 74 Similar groups and individuals operated in towns and cities across German-occupied Poland — including Józef Diamand in Kraków[98] and Szama Grajer in Lublin.[99] It is estimated that at the end of 1941 and the start of 1942 there were some 15,000 "Jewish Gestapo" agents in the General Government.[46]: 74
Jewish agent-provocateurs were used by the Germans to bait Jews hiding outside of the ghettos, turn them over to the Germans, and occasionally entrap Poles who were helping the Jews. Perhaps the largest of such actions involved agents from the Żagiew network, who falsely promised Jews hiding in Warsaw following its ghetto's liquidation and who held or were hoping to obtain foreign passports a safe place at Hotel Polski; Around 2,500 Jews came out of their hiding places and moved to the hotel, where they have been captured by the Germans.[46]: 74 In another, smaller incident in the village of Paulinów, the Germans used a Jewish agent to pose as an escapee looking for a hiding place with a Polish family, after receiving help the agent denounced the Polish family to the Germans, resulting in the deaths of 12 Poles and several Jews who were hiding with the family.[100] [101] Smaller scale provocations were more common, with Jewish agents approaching Polish resistance members asking for fake documents, followed by Gestapo arresting said resistance members.[102]
Some members of Jewish Social Self-Help (Jüdische Soziale Selbsthilfe), also known as the Jewish Social Assistance Society, collaborated with Nazi authorities in the deportation of Warsaw Jews to death camps.[103] The group was formed as a humanitarian organization funded by the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee, which also supplied it with legal cover,[104] and was allowed to operate within the General Government. Concerned with its lack of effectiveness, and seeing it as a cover for Nazi atrocities, both Jewish and Polish underground movements actively resisted the organization.[105]
Gorals and Kashubians
The Germans singled out as potential collaborators two ethnographic groups that had some separatist interests: the Kashubians in the north, and the Gorals in the south. They reached out to the Kashubians, but that plan proved a "complete failure".[75]: 86–87 The Germans had some limited success with the Gorals – establishing the Goralenvolk movement, which Katarzyna Szurmiak calls "the most extensive case of collaboration in Poland during the Second World War."[75]: 86–87 Overall, however, "when talking about numbers, the attempt to create [a] Goralenvolk was a failure... a mere 18 percent of the population took up Goralian IDs... Goralian schools [were] consistently boycotted, and... attempts to create a Goralian police or a Goralian Waffen-SS Legion... failed miserably."[75]: 98
See also
- Polish resistance movement in World War II
- Collaboration with the Axis Powers during World War II
- Szmalcownik
- Trawniki
- Sonderkommando
- Sonderdienst
- Judenjagd
References
- ^ Hobsbawm, Eric (1995) [1st pub. HMSO:1994]. "The Fall of Liberalism". Age of Extremes The Short Twentieth Century 1914-1991. Great Britain: Abacus. p. 136. ISBN 0-349-10671-1.
[T]he Poles, though strongly anti-Russian and anti-Jewish, did not significantly collaborate with Nazi Germany, whereas the Lithuanians and some of the Ukrainians (occupied by the USSR from 1939-41) did.
- ^ Wojciechowski, Marian (2004). "Czy istniała kolaboracja z Rzeszą Niemiecką i ZSRR podczas drugiej wojny światowej? "kolaboracja... miała charakter-na terytoriach RP okupowanych przez Niemców-absolutnie marginalny" p. 17". Rocznik Towarzystwa Naukowego Warszawskiego (in Polish). Volume 67. Retrieved 2018-04-12.
{{cite journal}}
:|volume=
has extra text (help) - ^ Adam Galamaga (21 May 2011). Great Britain and the Holocaust: Poland's Role in Revealing the News. GRIN Verlag. p. 15. ISBN 978-3-640-92005-1. Retrieved 30 May 2012.
- ^ Hugo Service (11 July 2013). Germans to Poles: Communism, Nationalism and Ethnic Cleansing After the Second World War. Cambridge University Press. p. 17. ISBN 978-1-107-67148-5.
- ^ Berghahn, Volker R. (1999). "Germans and Poles 1871–1945". In Bullivant, K.; Giles, G. J.; Pape, W. (eds.). Germany and Eastern Europe: Cultural Identities and Cultural Differences. Rodopi. p. 32. ISBN 9042006889.
- ^ a b c Connelly, John (2005). "Why the Poles Collaborated so Little: And Why That Is No Reason for Nationalist Hubris". Volume 64 (4): 771–781.
{{cite journal}}
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(help) - ^ a b c d e f Friedrich, Klaus-Peter (Winter 2005). "Collaboration in a 'Land without a Quisling': Patterns of Cooperation with the Nazi German Occupation Regime in Poland during World War II". Slavic Review. 64 (4): 711–746. doi:10.2307/3649910.
- ^ Czesław Madajczyk, Kann man in Polen 1939-1945 von Kollaborationsprechen, okupation und Kollaboration 1938-1945. Beitrage zu Konzepten und Praxis der Kollaboration in der deutschen Okkupationspolitik, Berlin, Heidelberg, W. Rohr, 1994, p. 140.
- ^ Piotrowski, Tadeusz (1998). Poland's Holocaust: Ethnic Strife, Collaboration with Occupying Forces and Genocide in the Second Republic, 1918-1947. McFarland. ISBN 9780786403714.
- ^ a b News Flashes from Czechoslovakia Under Nazi Domination. The Council. 1940.
- ^ a b c Kochanski, Halik (2012). The Eagle Unbowed: Poland and the Poles in the Second World War. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University. p. 97. ISBN 978-0-674-06816-2.
- ^ Piasecki, Waldemar (2017-07-31). Jan Karski. Jedno życie. Tom II. Inferno (in Polish). Insignis. ISBN 9788365743381.
- ^ Blatman, Daniel (2002). "Were These Ordinary Poles?" (PDF). Jerusalem: Yad Vashem Studies, Vol. XXX. p. 10/16.
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(help) - ^ Weinberg, Gerhard L. (1999). A world at arms: a global history of World War II (1. paperback ed., reprinted ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press. ISBN 978-0-521-55879-2.
- ^ Cargas, Harry James (1994-06-28). Voices from the Holocaust. University Press of Kentucky. ISBN 081310825X.
- ^ Instytut Pamięci Narodowej. "Wincenty Witos 1874–1945" (in Polish). Retrieved 2018-03-27.
- ^ Roszkowski, Wojciech; Kofman, Jan (2016-07-08). Biographical Dictionary of Central and Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century. Routledge. ISBN 9781317475934.
- ^ Bramstedt, E. K. (2013-09-27) [1945]. Dictatorship and Political Police: The Technique of Control by Fear. Routledge. ISBN 9781136230592.
- ^ School & Society. Science Press. 1940.
- ^ The Polish Review. Polish information center. 1943.
- ^ Czeslaw Madajczyk "Nie chciana kolaboracja. Polscy politycy i nazistowskie Niemcy w Lipcu 1940", Bernard Wiaderny, Paryz 2002, Dzieje Najnowsze 35/2 226-229 2003
- ^ Weinberg, Gerhard L. (1999). A world at arms: a global history of World War II (1. paperback ed., reprinted ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press. ISBN 978-0-521-55879-2.
- ^ a b Halik Kochanski (13 November 2012). The Eagle Unbowed: Poland and the Poles in the Second World War. Harvard University Press. p. 97. ISBN 978-0-674-06816-2.
- ^ "Just before the outbreak of the Second World War, Hitler spoke of the planned mass murder of Poles and asked, 'Who, after all, is today speaking about the destruction of the Armenians?'... Poland, Belarus, and Ukraine would be populated by [German] pioneer farmer-soldier families." Alex Ross, "The Hitler Vortex: How American racism influenced Nazi thought", The New Yorker, 30 April 2018, pp. 71–72.
- ^ Kunicki, Mikołaj (2001). "Unwanted Collaborators: Leon Kozłowski, Władysław Studnicki, and the Problem of Collaboration among Polish Conservative Politicians in World War II". European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire. 8 (2): 203–220. doi:10.1080/13507480120074260. ISSN 1469-8293. Retrieved 2018-03-26.
- ^ Kunicki, Mikołaj Stanisław (2012-07-04). Between the Brown and the Red: Nationalism, Catholicism, and Communism in Twentieth-Century Poland—The Politics of Bolesław Piasecki. Ohio University Press. ISBN 9780821444207.
- ^ Czesław Madajczyk, Polityka III Rzeszy w okupowanej Polsce, Warsaw, Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1970, vol. 1, p. 242.
- ^ Böhler, Jochen; Gerwarth, Robert (2016-12-01). The Waffen-SS: A European History. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780192507822.
- ^ Hempel, Adam (1987). Policja granatowa w okupacyjnym systemie administracyjnym Generalnego Gubernatorstwa: 1939–1945 (in Polish). Warsaw: Instytut Wydawniczy Związków Zawodowych. p. 83.
- ^ "Policja Polska w Generalnym Gubernatorstwie 1939-1945 – Policja Panstwowa". policjapanstwowa.pl (in Polish). Retrieved 2018-03-29.
- ^ "'Orgy of Murder': The Poles Who 'Hunted' Jews and Turned Them Over to the Nazis". Haaretz.
- ^ Andrzej Solak (17–24 May 2005). "Zbrodnia w Malinie – prawda i mity (1)". Nr 29-30. Myśl Polska: Kresy. Archived from the original (Internet Archive) on October 5, 2006. Retrieved 2013-06-23.
Reprint: Zbrodnia w Malinie (cz.1) Głos Kresowian, nr 20.
{{cite web}}
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suggested) (help) - ^ Józef Turowski, Pożoga: Walki 27 Wołyńskiej Dywizji AK, PWN, ISBN 83-01-08465-0, pp. 154-155.
- ^ a b Jacek Andrzej Młynarczyk (2009). "Pomiędzy współpracą a zdradą. Problem kolaboracji w Generalnym Gubernatorstwie – próba syntezy". Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość: biuletyn Głównej Komisji Badania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu Instytutu Pamięci Narodowej (1(14)): 113.
{{cite journal}}
: Italic or bold markup not allowed in:|journal=
(help) - ^ a b Kaczmarek, Ryszard (2010), Polacy w Wehrmachcie [Poles in the Wehrmacht] (in Polish), Kraków: Wydawnictwo Literackie, first paragraph, ISBN 978-83-08-04494-0, archived from the original on November 15, 2012, retrieved June 28, 2014,
Paweł Dybicz for Tygodnik "Przegląd" 38/2012.
{{citation}}
: Unknown parameter|deadurl=
ignored (|url-status=
suggested) (help) - ^ German Army Service (Volume 423 ed.). Hansard. 4 June 1946. p. cc307-8W. Retrieved 28 July 2011.
- ^ Antoni Mączak, Encyklopedia historii gospodarczej Polski do 1945 roku: O-Ż (Encyclopedia of Poland's Economic History: O–Ż), Warsaw, Wiedza Powszechna, 1981. [page needed]
- ^ "BAUDIENST Służba Budowlana w Generalnym Gubernatorstwie 1940-1945" (PDF) (in Polish). Fundacjia „Polsko-Niemieckie Pojednanie”, Muzeum Historii Polskiego Ruchu Ludowego, Zakład Historii Ruchu Ludowego.
- ^ Haltof, Marek (2012). Polish Film and the Holocaust: Politics and Memory. Berghahn Books. p. 11. ISBN 9780857453570.
Poland had no feature film production during the occupation.
- ^ NISIOBĘCKA, ANETA. "ARTYŚCI W CZASIE OKUPACJI" [Artists under the [German] Occupation] (PDF) (in Polish). Institute of National Remembrance. p. 66.
Some actors were coerced by the Germans into collaborating. The Germans wanted to create the appearance that "order" prevailed in Poland, and that people who did not rebel were provided with entertainment at a level suitable for them. Bogusław Samborski played in the anti-Polish film Heimkehr probably in order to save his Jewish wife. (pl.: Niektórych aktorów Niemcy szantażem zmuszali do współpracy. Zależało im na stworzeniu pozorów, że w Polsce panuje „ład i porządek", a ludzie, którzy się nie buntują, mają zapewnioną rozrywkę na odpowiednim dla nich poziomie. Bogusław Samborski zagrał w antypolskim filmie Heimkehr, prawdopodobnie po to, by ratować żonę-Żydówkę.
{{cite web}}
: Cite has empty unknown parameter:|dead-url=
(help) - ^ Haltof, Marek (2002). Polish National Cinema. Berghahn Books. p. 44. ISBN 9781571812759.
Tylko świnie siedzą w kinie
- ^ Bogusław Kunach (2003-12-01). "Być tym, co słynie. Igo Sym" (in Polish). Gazeta Wyborcza. Archived from the original on March 6, 2012. Retrieved 2010-05-02.
{{cite news}}
: Unknown parameter|deadurl=
ignored (|url-status=
suggested) (help) - ^ [1]
- ^ [2]
- ^ Davies, Norman (2008-09-04). Rising '44: The Battle for Warsaw. Pan Macmillan. p. 287. ISBN 9780330475747.
They are particularly incensed by the false accusation that the Home Army did not accept Jews, and by even wilder talk about it being an anti-Semitic organization. The fact is, Jews with the various religious or political connections served with distinction both in the Home Army and in the People's Army.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Piotrowski, Tadeusz (1998). Poland's Holocaust: Ethnic Strife, Collaboration with Occupying Forces and Genocide in the Second Republic, 1918-1947. McFarland. ISBN 9780786403714.
- ^ Edward Kossoy Zydzi w Powstaniu Warszawskim
- ^ Powstanie warszawskie w walce i dyplomacji - page 23 Janusz Kazimierz Zawodny, Andrzej Krzysztof Kunert - 2005 Był również czterdziestoosobowy pluton żydowski, dowodzony przez Samuela Kenigsweina, który walczył w batalionie AK „Wigry"
- ^ Review by John Radzilowski of Yaffa Eliach's There Once Was a World: A 900-Year Chronicle of the Shtetl of Eishyshok, in Journal of Genocide Research, vol. 1, no. 2 (June 1999), City University of New York.
- ^ Bubnys, Arūnas (1998). Vokiečių okupuota Lietuva (1941-1944). Vilnius: Lietuvos gyventojų genocido ir rezistencijos tyrimo centras. ISBN 9986-757-12-6.
- ^ Template:Lt icon Rimantas Zizas. Armijos Krajovos veikla Lietuvoje 1942–1944 metais (Activities of Armia Krajowa in Lithuania in 1942–1944). Armija Krajova Lietuvoje, pp. 14–39. A. Bubnys, K. Garšva, E. Gečiauskas, J. Lebionka, J. Saudargienė, R. Zizas (editors). Vilnius – Kaunas, 1995.
- ^ Garlinski, Josef (1985-08-12). Poland in the Second World War. Springer. ISBN 978-1-349-09910-8.
- ^ a b Zimmerman, Joshua D. (2015). The Polish underground and the Jews, 1939-1945. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-107-01426-8.
- ^ Biskupski, Mieczysław (2000). The history of Poland. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press. p. 110. ISBN 0313305714. OCLC 42021562.
- ^ a b Cymet, David (June 1999). "Polish state antisemitism as a major factor leading to the Holocaust". Journal of Genocide Research. 1 (2): 191–192. doi:10.1080/14623529908413950. ISSN 1469-9494. Retrieved 2018-06-09.
- ^ a b c d e Cooper, Leo (2000). In the shadow of the Polish eagle: the Poles, the Holocaust, and beyond. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire; New York, N.Y.: Palgrave. ISBN 978-1-280-24918-1. Retrieved 2018-03-26.
- ^ Poles and Jews: perceptions and misperceptions. Polin. Władysław Bartoszewski (ed.) (1. issued in paperback ed.). Oxford: Littman Library of Jewish Civilization. 2004. p. 356. ISBN 978-1-904113-19-5.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: others (link) - ^ Schatz, Jaff (1991). The generation : the rise and fall of the Jewish communists of Poland. Berkeley: University of California Press. p. 204. ISBN 0520071360. OCLC 22984393.
- ^ Mushkat, Marion (1992). Philo-Semitic and anti-Jewish attitudes in post-Holocaust Poland. Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press. p. 50. ISBN 0773491767. OCLC 26855644.
- ^ Instytut Pamięci Narodowej--Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu. Biuro Edukacji Publicznej (2007). Biuletyn Instytutu Pamięci Narodowej. Instytut. p. 73.
- ^ Wozniak, Albion (2003). The Polish Studies Newsletter. Albin Wozniak.
- ^ Żebrowski, Leszek (1994). Brygada Świętokrzyska NSZ (in Polish). Gazeta Handlowa.
- ^ Korbonski, Stefan (1981). The polish underground state: a guide to the underground 1939 - 1945. New York: Hippocrene Books. p. 7. ISBN 978-0-88254-517-2.
- ^ Biddiscombe, Perry (2013). The SS hunter battalions : the hidden history of the Nazi Resistance Movement 1944-45. New York: The History Press. p. 100. ISBN 9780752496450. OCLC 852756721.
- ^ Komunistyczny donos do gestapo
- ^ [3]
- ^ Winstone, Martin (2014). The Dark Heart of Hitler's Europe: Nazi rule in Poland under the General Government. London: Tauris. pp. 181–186. ISBN 978-1-78076-477-1.
- ^ Gross (2001), Neighbors, p. 75.
- ^ "Warsaw". www.ushmm.org. Retrieved 2018-03-02.
- ^ "Hunt for the Jews snags Yad Vashem book prize", Times of Israel (JTA), 8 December 2014.
- ^ "Professor Jan Grabowski wins the 2014 Yad Vashem International Book Prize", Yad Vashem, 4 December 2014.
- ^ Musial, Bogdan (2011). "Judenjagd – 'umiejętne działanie' czy zbrodnicza perfidia?"". Dzieje Najnowsze: kwartalnik poświęcony historii XX wieku (in Polish). Institute of History of the Polish Academy of Sciences.
- ^ Samsonowska, Krystyna (July 2011). "Dąbrowa Tarnowska - nieco inaczej. (Dąbrowa Tarnowska - not quite like that)". Więź. 7: 75–85.
- ^ Grzegorz Berendt (24 February 2017). ""The Polish People Weren't Tacit Collaborators with Nazi Extermination of Jews" (opinion)". Haaretz.
- ^ a b c d Anton Weiss Wendt (11 August 2010). Eradicating Differences: The Treatment of Minorities in Nazi-Dominated Europe. Cambridge Scholars Publishing. ISBN 978-1-4438-2449-1.
- ^ Maria Wardzyńska, Był rok 1939 Operacja niemieckiej policji bezpieczeństwa w Polsce. Intelligenzaktion, IPN Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, 2009 ISBN 978-83-7629-063-8
- ^ Browning, Christopher R.; Matthäus, Jürgen (2004). The origins of the Final Solution: the evolution of Nazi Jewish policy, September 1939-March 1942. Comprehensive history of the Holocaust. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. ISBN 978-0-8032-1327-2.
- ^ Michael Geyer, Sheila Fitzpatrick, Beyond Totalitarianism: Stalinism and Nazism Compared, Cambridge University Press, 2009, p. 155.
- ^ August Frank, "Memorandum, September 26, 1942, Utilization of property on the occasion of settlement and evacuation of Jews" in NO-724, Pros. Ex. 472. United States of America v. Oswald Pohl, et al. (Case No. 4, the "Pohl Trial). V. pp. 965–967.
- ^ Historia Encyklopedia Szkolna, Warsaw, Wydawnictwa Szkolne i Pedagogiczne, 1993, pp. 357–58.
- ^ Ryszard Kaczmarek (2008). "Kolaboracja na terenach wcielonych do Rzeszy Niemieckiej" (PDF). Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość (7/1 (12)): 166.
Na wschodzie, na polskich terenach wcielonych, przed wybuchem wojny olbrzymią rolę odgrywała mniejszość niemiecka i spośród jej przedstawicieli rekrutowała się głównie grupa aktywnych kolaboracjonistów.
- ^ Chu, Winson (2012-06-25). The German Minority in Interwar Poland. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781107008304.
- ^ John A. Armstrong, Collaborationism in World War II: The Integral Nationalist Variant in Eastern Europe, The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 40, No. 3 (Sep., 1968), p. 409.
- ^ Czesław Partacz, Krzysztof Łada, Polska wobec ukraińskich dążeń niepodległościowych w czasie II wojny światowej, (Toruń: Centrum Edukacji Europejskiej, 2003)
- ^ Timothy Snyder. (2004) The Reconstruction of Nations. New Haven: Yale University Press: pp. 165–166
- ^ a b Ringelblum, Emmanuel (2015-11-06). Notes From The Warsaw Ghetto: The Journal Of Emmanuel Ringelblum. Pickle Partners Publishing. ISBN 9781786257161.
- ^ Hilberg 1995, p. 106.
- ^ Bauman, Robert J. (2012-04-19). Extension of Life. Xlibris Corporation. ISBN 9781469192451.
- ^ a b c Hannah Arendt (2006). Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil. Penguin. ISBN 1101007168. Retrieved 16 June 2015.
{{cite book}}
:|work=
ignored (help) - ^ Rees, Laurence,Auschwitz: The Nazis and the "Final Solution", especially the testimony of Lucille Eichengreen, pp. 105-131. BBC Books. ISBN 978-0-563-52296-6.
- ^ Rees, Laurence."Auschwitz: Inside the Nazi state". BBC/KCET, 2005. Retrieved: 01.10.2011.
- ^ "Judischer Ordnungsdienst". Museum of Tolerance. Simon Wiesenthal Center. Retrieved 14 January 2008.
- ^ a b Collins, Jeanna R. "Am I a Murderer?: Testament of a Jewish Ghetto Policeman (review)". Mandel Fellowship Book Reviews. Kellogg Community College. Retrieved 13 January 2008.
- ^ 1926-2007., Hilberg, Raul, (2003). The destruction of the European Jews. Yale University Press. OCLC 49805909.
{{cite book}}
:|last=
has numeric name (help)CS1 maint: extra punctuation (link) CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - ^ a b Piecuch, Henryk (1999). Syndrom tajnych służb: czas prania mózgów i łamania kości. Agencja Wydawnicza CB. ISBN 83-86245-66-2.
- ^ Israel Gutman, The Jews of Warsaw, 1939–1943: Ghetto, Underground, Revolt, Indiana University Press, 1982, ISBN 0-253-20511-5, pp. 90–94.
- ^ Itamar Levin, Walls Around: The Plunder of Warsaw Jewry during World War II and Its Aftermath, Greenwood Publishing Group, 2004, ISBN 0-275-97649-1, pp. 94–98.
- ^ Dąbrowa-Kostka, Stanisław (1972). W okupowanym Krakowie: 6.IX.1939 - 18.I.1945 (in Polish). Wydaw. Min. Obrony Nar.
- ^ Radzik, Tadeusz (2007). Extermination of the Lublin ghetto (in Polish). Wydawn. Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej.
- ^ Teresa Prekerowa, Institute of History of the Polish Academy of Sciences, "Who Helped Jews during the Holocaust in Poland", Acta Poloniae Historica, Wydawnictwo Naukowe Semper, vol. 76, p. 166. "The gravest provocation involving Jews took place in 1943, some 100 km east of Warsaw; a Jewish Gestapo agent posing as a fugitive was given, or promised, help by 14 inhabitants of the village of Paulinów." Zakład Narodowy im. Ossolińskich, 1997
- ^ Joanna Kierylak, Treblinka Museum, "12 sprawiedliwych z Paulinowa", 2013, retrieved 2018-05-25. "Akcja niemiecka, zakrojona na szeroką skalę... Posłużono się tu prowokacją. Rozpoznania dokonali prowokatorzy. Byli nimi Żydzi, jeden z Warszawy, drugi ze Sterdyni – Szymel Helman. Prowokator z Warszawy dołączył do ukrywających się Żydów, podając się za Żyda francuskiego, zbiegłego z transportu przesiedleńców wiezionych do Treblinki." ("[In a] large-scale German operation... use was made of provocation. The scouting-out was done by agent-provocateurs. They were Jews, here one from Warsaw, the other from Sterdyń—Szymel Helman. The agent-provocateur from Warsaw joined some Jews who were in hiding, giving himself out to be a French Jew who had escaped from a transport of deportees who were being sent to Treblinka.")
- ^ Witold W. Mędykowski (2006). "Przeciw swoim: Wzorce kolaboracji żydowskiej w Krakowie i okolicy". Zagłada Żydów - Studia i materiały, Rocznik naukowy Centrum Badań nad Zagładą Żydów (in Polish) (2). IFiS PAN: 206.
"Zdarzało się jednak, że urządzano prowokacje, by aresztować osoby mające kontakty z podziemiem, pośredniczące przy wyrobie fałszywych dokumentów czy zajmujące się przemytem ludzi inielegalnym handlem. Na przykład w 1942 roku do Elżbiety Jasińskiej, mającej kontakty z konspiracją, przyszła Marta Puretz, prosząc o wyrobienie kenkarty Jasińska zgodziła się wyrobić jej ten dokument za 2000zł. Puretz miała zgłosić się doniej zadwa dni. Kiedy jednakprzyszła doniej wumówionym czasie, poddom zajechało gestapo, Jasińska została aresztowana, a następnie wywieziona do Auschwitz. Gdy później szwagier Jasińskiej spotkał Martę Puretz naulicy bez opaski, kazał ją aresztować. Ona jednak na komisaiacie policji przy ul. Franciszkańskiej wylegitymowała się dokumentem współpracownika gestapo i została wypuszczona nawolność. Zagroziła szwagrowi Jasińskiej, że jeśli wejdzie jej wdrogę, wsypie go... Podobnie działała Stefania Brandstätter.
- ^ "Do zachowań jednoznacznie kolaboracyjnych ze strony przedstawicieli żydowskich instytucji 'samorządowych' dochodziło podczas wysiedleń do obozów zagłady w ramach 'akcji Reinhard', gdy niemieckie oddziały wysiedleńcze wymagały od żydowskich funkcyjnych czynnego wspomagania akcji. W Warszawie przy organizowaniu deportacji do obozu zagłady uczestniczyli nie tylko żydowscy policjanci, lecz także członkowie żydowskiej służby ratunkowej, część judenratu, a nawet niektórzy członkowie Żydowskiej Samopomocy Społecznej." ("Unambiguous acts of collaboration on the part of Jewish 'self-government' institutions took place during deportations to extermination camps under 'Operation Reinhard' when German units involved in the expulsions demanded active support from Jewish functionaries. In Warsaw, deporations to extermination camps involved not only Jewish policemen but also members of the Jewish rescue service [Żydowska służba ratunkowa], part of the Judenrat, and even some members of Jewish Social Self-Help.")
- ^ Alexandra Garbarini, Jewish Responses to Persecution: 1938–1940, p. 198.
- ^ "Jewish Historical Institute". www.jhi.pl.