Amanuensis Balkanicus (talk | contribs) |
Staro Gusle (talk | contribs) so 3 victims were Serb. Where is the source they were "moderate"? Serb forces were not in the habit of killing their own nationals simply because they were 'moderates' and the terminology is relative anyhow |
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| caption = [[Ron Haviv]]'s image showing a member of the Serb Volunteer Guard kicking a dying Bosniak woman |
| caption = [[Ron Haviv]]'s image showing a member of the Serb Volunteer Guard kicking a dying Bosniak woman |
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| location = [[Bijeljina]], [[Bosnia and Herzegovina]] |
| location = [[Bijeljina]], [[Bosnia and Herzegovina]] |
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| target = [[Bosniaks |
| target = [[Bosniaks]] |
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| date = 1-2 April 1992 |
| date = 1-2 April 1992 |
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| time = |
| time = |
Revision as of 15:53, 5 May 2013
Bijeljina massacre | |
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![]() Ron Haviv's image showing a member of the Serb Volunteer Guard kicking a dying Bosniak woman | |
Location | Bijeljina, Bosnia and Herzegovina |
Date | 1-2 April 1992 |
Target | Bosniaks |
Attack type | Mass killings |
Deaths | At least 48–78 |
Perpetrators | Serb Volunteer Guard, Mirko's Chetniks |
Motive | Creation of Greater Serbia[1] |
The Bijeljina massacre refers to the killings of Bosniaks in the town of Bijeljina that were committed by the Serb Volunteer Guard (SDG), a Serbian paramilitary group under the command of the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) and subordinate to Serbian President Slobodan Milošević, and Mirko's Chetniks on 1–2 April 1992 during the Bosnian War.
In September 1991, Bijeljina had been claimed by the Bosnian Serbs to be a part of a "Serbian Autonomous Region" later, in March 1992, the Bosnian referendum on independence was passed with overwhelming support from Bosniaks and Bosnian Croats. A poorly organized local Bosniak Patriotic League had been established in response to the Bosnian Serb proclamation and on 31 March it was provoked into an armed conflict by local Serbs and the SDG which was motivated by the creation of a Greater Serbia. On 1–2 April, Bijeljina was overtaken by the SDG and the JNA with little resistance and "killings, rapes, house searches, and looting" followed afterwards. On 3 April, the bodies of those massacred were removed in anticipation of a Bosnian government delegation who was set to arrive and tasked with investigating what had transpired. A number of sources put the figure of civilians killed in the hundreds or at a thousand while the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) determined that it was at least 48. After the massacre a campaign of mass ethnic cleansing of non-Serbs was carried out, all mosques were demolished, and nine detention camps were established.
To date local courts have not prosecuted anyone while the Serbian War Crime Prosecutor’s Office has arrested an individual of the SDG for his alleged role. A number of Republika Srpska leaders were convicted for the deportations and forcible transfers in the ethnic cleansing that followed the massacre[2][3] and Radovan Karadžić, former President of Republika Srpska, is currently under trial for the massacre and other crimes against humanity commited in Bijelina. In 2002, less than 2,700 people of the over 30,000 pre-war Bosniak population still lived in Bijeljina. The first of April is celebrated as the "liberation day of Bijeljina" and a street has been named in honor of the SDG.
Background
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/9/9e/Bijeljina_municipality.svg/220px-Bijeljina_municipality.svg.png)
According to the 1991 census, the municipality of Bijeljina had about 97,000 inhabitants with 59% being Bosnian Serbs, 31% being Bosniaks, and the rest belonging to other ethnicities. The town of Bijeljina had an estimated 37,200 inhabitants, with the majority being Bosniaks.[4]
Tension existed in Bijeljina prior to the takeover by Serb paramilitary groups and the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA).[5] In 1990 and 1991, Serbs in Croatia and in Bosnia and Herzegovina had proclaimed a number of "Serbian Autonomous Regions" with the intent of later unifying them to create a Greater Serbia.[6][7] As early as September or October 1990, the JNA had begun arming Bosnian Serbs and organizing them into militias. By March 1991, the JNA had distributed an estimated 51,900 firearms to Serb paramilitaries and 23,298 firearms to the Serbian Democratic Party (SDS).[8] In September 1991, Bijeljina was established by the Bosnian Serbs as the capital of the "Serbian Autonomous Region of Northern Bosnia", later renamed in November as the "Serbian Autonomous Region of Semberija" and in December as the "Serbian Autonomous Region of Semberija and Majevica".[9] In response, the local Bosniaks established the Patriotic League.[5]
In January 1992, the assembly of the SDS proclaimed the "Republic of the Serbian People of Bosnia and Herzegovina" and Radovan Karadžić, its soon to be president, announced that a "unified Bosnia and Herzegovina no longer exists".[10] In March, the Bosnian referendum on independence was passed with overwhelming support from Bosniaks and Bosnian Croats, but had been boycotted by most Bosnian Serbs.[5] The boycott had been encouraged by the SDS who claimed that independence would result in the Serbs becoming "a national minority in an Islamic state".[10] Incidents of violence were triggered across Bosnia and Herzegovina.[5]
Bijeljina is credited with being the "first municipality of Bosnia and Herzegovina to be taken over by the Bosnian Serbs in 1992".[11] It was strategically significant due to its location which enabled easy movement of military personnel, weaponry, and goods into Posavina and the Bosnian Krajina where Serb forces were.[12]
Provocation, takeover, and massacre
Željko Ražnatović ("Arkan"), leader of the Serb Volunteer Guard (SDG), reportedly spent a month in Bijeljina devising battle plans prior to the attack.[13] On 30 March 1992, Blagoje Adžić, Bosnian Serb chief-of-staff of the JNA, announced that the army was "ready to protect Serbs from open aggression".[14] Fighting in Bijeljina began on 31 March after grenades were thrown into shops[15] and in a Bosniak-owned cafe[13], provoking the poorly organized Patriotic League into an armed conflict by local Serbs and the SDG.[16][17][18] About a thousand[13][16] SDG members and Mirko's Chetniks,[19] a paramilitary formation commanded by Mirko Blagojević, were involved and captured its important structures.[11]
On 1 or 2 April 1992, the town was encircled by JNA soldiers, tanks, and other vehicles.[11] Met with little resistance,[20] the SDG, under JNA command,[21] swiftly captured Bijeljina.[11] The SDG was directly subordinate to Serbian President Slobodan Milošević and reported directly to him.[22] The Panthers led by Ljubiša Savić ("Mauzer") also participated or arrived shortly after.[23] They terrorized local Bosniaks and some Serbs through "killings, rapes, house searches, and looting".[24] Subsequently, Bosnian President Alija Izetbegović sanctioned the JNA's occupation of Bijeljina and warned them to end the SDG's terror.[21] A pattern, motivated by the creation of a Greater Serbia,[1] developed in Bijeljina that was repeated in other municipalities of north-eastern Bosnia and Herzegovina with similar paramilitary groups from Serbia.[11] The situation in Bijeljina fit the examination of the United Nations Commission of Experts that:[25]
First, Bosnian Serb paramilitary forces, often with the assistance of the JNA, seize control of the area. In many cases, Serbian residents are told to leave the area before the violence begins. The homes of non-Serb residents are targeted for destruction and cultural and religious monuments, especially churches and mosques, are destroyed. Second,the area falls under the control of paramilitary forces who terrorize the non-Serb residents with random killings, rapes, and looting. Third, the seized area is administered by local Serb authorities, often in conjunction with paramilitary groups. During this phase, non-Serb residents are detained, beaten, and sometimes transferred to prison camps where further abuse, including mass killings, have occurred. Non-Serb residents are often fired from their jobs and their property is confiscated. Many have been forced to sign documents relinquishing their rights to their homes before being deported to other areas of the country.
The exact number killed in the takeover is unknown.[26] Some sources put the figure in the hundreds or at a thousand.[26][21][14] According to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) at least 48 civilians were killed of which 45 were non-Serbs.[27] The civilians were "in particular political leaders, businessmen, and other prominent Bosniaks",[26] and also included women and children.[27] A number of Serbs who had attempted to stop the massacre were also killed.[28] The victims had been shot "in the chest, mouth, temple, or back of the head, some at close range" and none were wearing military uniforms.[27] Eyewitnesses of the killings included photo journalist Ron Haviv, who was invited by Arkan himself to take photographs. One of his pictures, which depicted an SVG member kicking a dying Bosniak woman, was later published and caused Arkan to put out a death warrant for Haviv.[29][30]
The Serbian state-owned Radio Belgrade Network reported that much of Bijeljina was "liberated" with the help of "members of the Serbian National Guard of Semberija and Majevica, in cooperation with Serbian volunteers, Arkan's men, and the Serbian 'radicals'".[13]
Bosnian delegation investigation and response
On 3 April, the dead bodies were collected and removed in anticipation of a delegatory visit of high-ranking Bosnian officials that would arrive the next day. The delegation included Serb representative of the Presidency Biljana Plavšić, Bosniak representative of the presidency Fikret Abdić, Croat Minister of Defence Jerko Doko, and chief-of-staff of the JNA 2nd Military District General Dobrašin Praščević.[31] They were sent by Izetbegović with the purpose of investigating alleged atrocities.[32] On 4 April, the SDG situated themselves in the local headquarters of the SDS. Local police, who were engaged in arresting the town's Party of Democratic Action (SDA) presidency, joined them for many days. Also present were members of the White Eagles and local Territorial Defence.[27] Serb flags were mounted on the two mosques in Bijeljina.[33] Checkpoints and roadblocks were established and journalists and European monitors were stopped from entering. The delegation visited the crisis staff and a military barracks where they were made aware of the situation.[27] Arkan took them on a tour of the town during which a Serb journalist who had bypassed the checkpoints confronted the group and warned Arkan: "You’ll never be forgiven for what you have done to the Muslims in Bijeljina. History will judge you”.[31]
During the visit Plavšić requested that Arkan transfer control of Bijeljina to the JNA, but he refused citing unfinished business and said he would target Bosanski Brod next. She ceased and repeatedly commended Arkan for having done a good job in protecting local Serbs from the Bosniak threat. Plavšić thanked and kissed Arkan in public to which the local members of the SDS responded with "shouts of approval".[31] A "widely-circulated" and "notorious" photograph shows Plavšić stepping over the body of a dead Bosniak civilian during the kiss.[34][35] She later stated to Cedric Thornberry, a United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) representative, that Bijeljina was a "liberated" town.[31] Abdić noted that: "Bijeljina was practically empty, I met with the local authorities, they told me what had happened, but there wasn't a single Muslim there, so we couldn't discuss the problem as a whole. Muslims didn't answer our appeal. They were too scared to come out, and specially scared to talk about it at all."[32] General Sava Janković, commander of the JNA’s 17th Corps, reported that:[36]
A big influence of the SDS and Arkan’s propaganda is felt in the 38th [Partisan Division] and the 17th [Mixed Artillery Regiment], because of which some [conscripts] have left their units with arms. [...] The situation in the territory is extremely complex. The town of Bijeljina is controlled by the SDS and Arkan’s men, who do not even allow our anti-tank unit to reach certain positions in the town. There are about 3,000 refugees in the barracks and the Cooperative Hall area in Patkovača. A team from the BH Presidency led by Fikret Abdić, Biljana Plavšić, the chief of staff of the 2nd Military District and the commander of the 17th Corps, has been in Bijeljina barracks since 1200 hours.
He predicted that: "In the following days further deterioration of the entire security and political situation is expected. There is a threat that interethnic conflicts in Posavina and Semberija might spread to other parts of the zone of responsibility [...] Direct armed provocations by SDA, [Croatian Democratic Union] HDZ and SDS paramilitary units against commands and units are also possible, as well as attacks by them on military warehouses and isolated facilities."[36] On the same day, Bosnian Defence Minister Ejup Ganić and Croat members of the coalition government urged Izetbegović to mobilize the Bosnian Territorial Defence.[37] On 4 April, Izetbegović mobilized the Territorial Defence and on 8 April announced a "state of imminent war danger".[17]
Ethnic cleansing, religious building destruction, and detainment
The SDG stayed in Bijeljina until at least May 1992.[31] The ICTY concluded that Serb forces killed a minimum of 52 people, mostly Bosniaks, between April and September 1992 in the Bijeljina municipality.[38] On 23 September 1992, the SDG and Mirko's Chetniks handed over control of Bijeljina to the SDS.[13] Mass ethnic cleansing was committed and nine detention camps were established following the massacre.[38] All seven mosques in Bijeljina were destroyed[39] and trees were planted where they once stood.[13] In April, an "organized campaign" had begun to remove the Bosniak population of Bijeljina.[40] The SDS in Bijeljina put forth a plan and proposed that a Bosniak family be killed "on each side of town to create an atmosphere of fear". In September, the plan was carried out by Duško Malović’s special police unit.[38] A "Commission for the Exchange of Population" was also created, it was headed by Vojkan Đurković, a major in the SDG,[41] and involved Mauzer's Panthers.[42] Đurković claimed Bosniaks left voluntarily and said Bijeljina is a part of "sacred Serbian land".[13]
Expulsions continued into 1994,[43] and in July a "systematic program" was started with the goal of "expelling the remaining Bosniaks and extorting property and money from them".[44]
War crimes prosecution
"We live with the former war criminals, we see them every day in the streets."
Branko Todorović, President of the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Bijeljina[45]
Local courts have not filed a single war crimes indictment for the massacre. Branko Todorović, the President of the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Bijeljina, criticized the "lethargic" and “unacceptable behavior” of the judiciary of the Republika Srpska.[46] Those suspected of having committed war crimes, but that have not been prosecuted include:
- Mirko Blagojević is claimed to have lead a group called Mirko's Chetniks that took part in the attack and in the ethnic cleansing of Bijeljina.[19] He is presently the head of the Serbian Radical Party (SRS) in Bijeljina.[45]
- Vojkan Đurković is suspected of forcing Bosniak civilians "to hand over all their money, valuables and documents, and to sign away their property." He is also reported to have worked with the Panthers and other groups in the "forcible expulsion of the civilian population".[19] He was arrested in November 2005, and was released from custody less than a month later.[47]
- Jovan Aćimović is alleged to have had a major role in the last initiative to ethnically cleanse Bosniaks from Bijeljina shortly prior to the signing of the Dayton Agreement.[19]
In 2010, Serbia’s prosecutors office investigated Borislav Pelević, a former SDG member and a member of the Serbian parliament. The investigation was ultimately dropped due to lack of evidence.[48] On 2 October 2012, the Serbian War Crime Prosecutor’s Office arrested Srđan Golubović in Belgrade with an indictment listing the names of 78 victims. Clint Williamson, the lead prosecutor, said that other members of the SDG could not be identified because their faces had been covered with masks.[48]
In 1997, the ICTY secretly indicted Arkan for war crimes carried out in Sanski Most in 1995, but not for those in Bijeljina.[49] Arkan was killed in 2000 and did not face trial.[50] Plavšić and Momčilo Krajišnik, speaker of the National Assembly of the Republika Srpska, were found guilty by the ICTY of committing crimes against humanity and engaging in "persecution on political, racial or religious grounds" through deportation and forcible transfer in Bijeljina and other areas of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Plavšić was sentenced to 11 years imprisonment and Krajišnik to 20.[2][3] Karadžić, the former President of Republika Srpska, is currently on trial for the massacre[51] and other crimes against humanity commited in Bijelina, amongst other areas, and for the genocide at Srebrenica.[52]
Aftermath
The Research and Documentation Center in Sarajevo estimates that a total of 1,040 people were killed in the town during the war.[46] In 2000, less than 2,700 people of the over 30,000 pre-war Bosniak population still lived in Bijeljina. Many faced difficulty in returning to their homes, encountered discrimination from the police, could not get an identification card, or reconnect their phone lines. Local authorities had forbade the Islamic community from reconstructing a mosque and, for a while, from having a place to gather. Meaningful Bosniak participation in the politics and administration of the municipality was blocked.[53]
The first of April is celebrated as the "liberation day of Bijeljina."[54] A street in the town is presently named after the Serbian Volunteer Guard.[55]
Notes
- ^ a b HRW & May 2000, pp. 2, 16, 33, 34.
- ^ a b ICTY & Momčilo Krajišnik CIS, p. 1.
- ^ a b ICTY & Biljana Plavšić CIS, p. 1.
- ^ HRW & May 2000, p. 11.
- ^ a b c d HRW & May 2000, p. 12.
- ^ Lukic & Lynch 1996, p. 203.
- ^ Bugajski 1995, p. 15.
- ^ Ramet 2006, p. 414.
- ^ Thomas 2006, p. 9.
- ^ a b Toal & Dahlman 2011, p. 110.
- ^ a b c d e ICTY & 27 September 2006, p. 113.
- ^ HRW & May 2000, p. 15.
- ^ a b c d e f g UNSC & 28 December 1994.
- ^ a b Goldstein 1999, p. 242.
- ^ Gow 2003, p. 128.
- ^ a b Toal & Dahlman 2011, p. 113.
- ^ a b Calic 2012, p. 125.
- ^ OREA 2002, p. 135.
- ^ a b c d ICG & 2 November 2000, pp. 10–13.
- ^ AI & 21 December 1994, p. 5.
- ^ a b c Magaš & Žanić 2001, p. 182.
- ^ Ramet 2006, p. 427.
- ^ HRW & May 2000, pp. 11–12.
- ^ ICTY & 27 September 2006, p. 117.
- ^ HRW & May 2000, p. 16.
- ^ a b c HRW & May 2000, p. 14.
- ^ a b c d e ICTY & 27 September 2006, p. 114.
- ^ Weitz 2003, p. 215.
- ^ BBC & 24 May 2001.
- ^ Kifner & 24 January 2001.
- ^ a b c d e ICTY & 27 September 2006, p. 115.
- ^ a b Silber & Little 1997, p. 225.
- ^ ICTY & 27 September 2006, pp. 113–114.
- ^ BBC & 27 February 2003.
- ^ Subotić 2012, p. 42.
- ^ a b ICTY & 27 September 2006, pp. 329–330.
- ^ Kumar 1999, p. 40.
- ^ a b c ICTY & 27 September 2006, pp. 117–118.
- ^ HRW & May 2000, p. 4.
- ^ Sudetic & 18 July 1994.
- ^ HRW & May 2000, p. 28.
- ^ AI & 21 December 1994, pp. 6–7.
- ^ Sudetic & 18 July 1994; Sudetic & 3 September 1994; Sudetic & 5 September 1994; Sudetic & 20 September 1994; Sudetic & 30 August 1994
- ^ AI & 21 December 1994, p. 3.
- ^ a b Little & 17 September 2008.
- ^ a b Husejnovic & 8 November 2008.
- ^ B92 & 27 October 2011.
- ^ a b Ristic & 2 October 2012.
- ^ ICTY & 23 September 1997.
- ^ Erlanger & 16 January 2000.
- ^ Irwin & 22 March 2013.
- ^ ICTY & Radovan Karadžić CIS, p. 1.
- ^ HRW & May 2000, p. 37.
- ^ Dnevni Avaz & 2 April 2012.
- ^ Pazarac & 8 August 2010.
References
- Books and journals
- Balkan Battlegrounds: A Military History of the Yugoslav Conflict, 1990–1995. Vol. 1. Washington: Office of Russian and European Analysis, Central Intelligence Agency. 2002.
- Bugajski, Janusz (1995). Ethnic Politics in Eastern Europe: A Guide to Nationality Policies, Organizations and Parties. Armonk: M. E. Sharpe. ISBN 978-1-56324-283-0.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Calic, Marie–Janine (2012). "Ethnic Cleansing and War Crimes, 1991–1995". In Ingrao, Charles; Emmert, Thomas A. (eds.). Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies: A Scholars' Initiative (2nd ed.). West Lafayette: Purdue University Press. pp. 109–127. ISBN 978-1-55753-617-4.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Goldstein, Ivo (1999). Croatia: A History. London: C. Hurst & Co. ISBN 978-1-85065-525-1.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Gow, James (2003). The Serbian Project and its Adversaries: A Strategy of War Crimes. London: C. Hurst & Co. ISBN 978-1-85065-646-3.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Kumar, Radha (1999). Divide and Fall?: Bosnia in the Annals of Partition. London and New York: Verso. ISBN 978-1-85984-183-9.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Lukic, Rénéo; Lynch, Allen (1996). Europe From the Balkans to the Urals: The Disintegration of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-829200-5.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Magaš, Branka; Žanić, Ivo (2001). The War in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina 1991–1995. London: Frank Cass. ISBN 978-0-7146-8201-3.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Ramet, Sabrina P. (2006). The Three Yugoslavias: State-Building and Legitimation, 1918–2005. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-34656-8.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Silber, Laura; Little, Allan (1997). Yugoslavia: Death of a Nation. New York: Penguin Books. ISBN 978-0-14-026263-6.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Subotić, Jelena (2012). "The Cruelty of False Remorse: Biljana Plavšić at the Hague". Southeastern Europe. 36 (1). BRILL: 39–59. doi:10.1163/187633312X617011. ISSN 0094-4467.
{{cite journal}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Thomas, Nigel (2006). The Yugoslav Wars (2): Bosnia, Kosovo, and Macedonia, 1992–2001. New York: Osprey Publishing. ISBN 978-1-84176-964-6.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Toal, Gerard; Dahlman, Carl T. (2011). Bosnia Remade: Ethnic Cleansing and Its Reversal. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-973036-0.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Weitz, Eric D. (2003). A Century of Genocide: Utopias of Race and Nation. Princeton: Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-00913-1.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)
- News articles
- "Biljana Plavsic: Serbian Iron Lady". BBC. 27 February 2003.
- Erlanger, Steve (16 January 2000). "Suspect in Serbian War Crimes Murdered by Masked Gunmen". New York Times.
- Gallivan, Rory (30 January 2009). "Witness Says Bosniaks Killed Before War Began". Institute for War & Peace Reporting.
- Husejnovic, Merima (8 November 2008). "Bijeljina's Strange Silence Over War Crimes". Balkan Investigative Reporting Network.
- Rachel, Irwin (22 March 2013). "Karadzic Witness Pressed on Serb "Tigers"". Institute for War & Peace Reporting.
- Kifner, John (24 January 2001). "A Pictorial Guide to Hell; Stark Images Trace the Balkans' Descent and a Photographer's Determination". New York Times.
- "Ko uzima deo Cecine kuće?". B92. 27 October 2011.
- Little, Allan (17 September 2008). "Karadzic's broken Bosnia remains". BBC.
- Pazarac, Sadik (8 August 2010). "Kako su se mijenjali nazivi ulica u Bijeljini". Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty (in Serbo-Croatian).
- Ristic, Marija (2 October 2012). "Belgrade DJ Investigated For War Crimes". Balkan Insight.
- "Sjećanje na početak aprila 1992. godine: Bijeljina slavi zločine". Dnevni Avaz. 2 April 2012.
- Sudetic, Chuck (18 July 1994). "More 'Ethnic Cleansing' by Serbs Is Reported in Bosnia". New York Times.
- Sudetic, Chuck (3 September 1994). "Serb Gang Expels 566 Muslims From Their Homes in Bosnia". New York Times.
- Sudetic, Chuck (5 September 1994). "Serbs Drive 800 More Muslims From Homes". New York Times.
{{cite news}}
: Cite has empty unknown parameter:|1=
(help) - Sudetic, Chuck (20 September 1994). "Serbs Step Up Violence Against Bosnian Muslim Civilians". New York Times.
- Sudetic, Chuck (30 August 1994). "Bosnian Serbs Force More Than 2,000 Muslims to Leave Their Homes". New York Times.
- "Witness to Balkans bloodshed". BBC. 24 May 2001.
- International, governmental, and NGO sources
- "Biljana Plavšić – Case Information Sheet" (PDF). International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. IT-00-39 & 40/1.
- Bosnia-Herzegovina: Living for the Day – Forced Expulsions from Bijeljina and Janja (PDF) (Report). Amnesty International. 21 December 1994. EUR 63/022/1994.
- Final Report of the United Nations Commission of Experts Established Pursuant to Security Council Resolution 780 (1992) (Report). United Nations Security Council. 28 December 1994. S/1994/674/Add.2.
- "Momčilo Krajišnik – Case Information Sheet" (PDF). International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. IT-00-39.
- "Prosecutor v. Momčilo Krajišnik (Trial Judgment)" (PDF). International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). 27 September 2006. IT-00-39-T.
- "Prosecutor v. Željko Ražnatović (Initial Indictment)" (PDF). International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. 23 September 1997. IT-97-27.
- "Radovan Karadžić – Case Information Sheet" (PDF). International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. IT-95-5/18.
- Unfinished Business: Return of Displaced Persons and Other Human Rights Issues in Bijeljina (PDF) (Report). Vol. 12. Human Rights Watch. May 2000.
- War Criminals in Bosnia’s Republika Srpska: Who Are the People in Your Neighbourhood? (PDF) (Report). International Crisis Group. 2 November 2000.
External links
- "Bijeljina: The Righteous Man". Bosnia and Hercegovina: Twenty Years Later. Institute for War and Peace Reporting. 24 April 2012.
- "Clouds Over Bijeljina". Bosnia and Hercegovina: Twenty Years Later. Institute for War and Peace Reporting. 24 April 2012.
- Hadzic, Hasan (2003). "Bijeljina: A Bastion of Apartheid". Boania Report (32–34). Bosnian Institute.
{{cite journal}}
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ignored (help) - Haviv, Ron. "Preventing Genocide – Gallery – Eyewitness Testimony – Ron Haviv". United States Holocaust Memorial Museum.